Nói về Đất Nước, Con Người và Lịch Sử Nước Mã Lai Á
The nature of Malaysia as a modern state.
https://youtu.be/-QF98vjDo2o
Sự Ngu Ngốc của Người Tàu xứ Mã Lai Á
How foolish of the Chinese Malaysian?
https://youtu.be/VLTG7pRVskE
Why does a Malaysian Chinese feel sick of China?
https://youtu.be/45PS48c7E7M
What had I been shocked in China?
https://youtu.be/22lzsNp37BQ
Will the world boycott China? Will I be involved innocently?
https://youtu.be/8rwVTIJ8EU4
why I am afraid I would be involved innocently because the image of Chinese people is becoming bad, and I will point out that the Chinese people do not know that how is thier image in the people's eyes, and for them, it is not easy to make it better, and the Chinese strategy of one belt one road will make hurt to its own people too. Hope that my content is interesting and informative to you guys, thank you!
Tại sao ông Lý Quang Diệu buộc người Singapore học Tiếng Hoa?
https://youtu.be/1yuqITgeVg8
Người Hoa ở Đông Nam Á có gì khác biệt với người Trung Quốc?
https://youtu.be/F8NMwGXluCw
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Người Việt ghi nhớ: Người Việt nên biết rõ và học kỹ về đất nước và dân tộc người Mã Lai Á. Người Mã Lai Á và đất nước họ không giống như những thập niên trước. Trước kia, Mã Lai là một đất nước phẳng lặng, không nổi bậc, không sôi động, luôn bận với việc diệt mầm mống Mao cộng sản, bây giờ họ đã thoát nạn cộng sản, và trở thành nước dân chủ và tự do, đất nước Mã Lai rất khác.
Việt Nam đã gia nhập vào khối Asian, ít nhiều cũng phải trực tiếp có giao thương. Chúng ta phải tự hỏi: Tại sao xưa kia vua chúa ta chỉ tiếp nhận văn hóa của người Chàm nhưng không phổ biến gì mấy về tôn giáo Chàm là đạo Hồi? Đạo Hồi rất tương phản với năm (5) tôn giáo chính ở Việt Nam:
• Phật giáo, • Thiên Chúa giáo, và Tin Lành • Hòa Hảo giáo, • Cao Đài Giáo, • Thờ cúng Ông Bà, Tổ Tiên (Việt Đạo) Nếu người Việt không khéo léo, tế nhị trong phép xử thế, chúng ta sẽ mất tình giao hảo với nước láng giềng Má Lai Á đang trở thành mạnh lên, giàu lên, và đông dân lên... với những giếng dầu được trời hay thiên nhiên ưu đãi họ, cộng với kỹ thuật cao và rất tân tiến của đất nước này. Chúng ta phải nhanh nhẹn bắt kịp đà tân tiến, nước chúng ta nay là cộng sản (quốc tế cộng sản)), nên bị quốc tế cộng sản kềm kẹp vào khuôn khổ lý thuyết cộng sản, tư tưởng cộng sản. Nước Tàu là nước cộng sản, nhưng thế giới tự do rất sợ nước Tàu, người Tàu vì họ vì những lý do sau đây: 1 đất đai quá rộng lớn, 2 người đông nhất thế giới, 3 độc tài, không tuân thủ luật lệ thế giới, họ chế tạo vi trùng sinh học như bệnh Sar virus (2006), Corona virus (2020)... Hãy học lại bài học lịch sử mà vua chúa, bậc tiền bối đã xử thế. Mà ngày xưa chúng ta đâu đã có khối Asian đâu, nay phải gia nhập, ta cần phải lưu ý thêm nữa. |
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Lịch sử Malaysia
Bách khoa toàn thư mở Wikipedia
Lịch sử Malaysia
> Các vương quốc đầu tiên
Xích Thổ (100 TCN–TK7)
Gangga Negara (TK2–TK11)
Langkasuka (TK2 - TK7)
Bàn Bàn (TK3 – TK6)
Vương quốc Kedah (630-1136)
Srivijaya (TK7 - TK14)
Thời kỳ Hồi giáo ảnh hưởng
Hồi quốc Kedah (1136–TK19)
Hồi quốc Melaka (1402–1511)
Hồi quốc Sulu (1450–1899)
Hồi quốc Kedah (1528–TK19)
Thuộc địa của Châu Âu
Malacca thuộc Bồ Đào Nha (1511-1641)
Malaysia thuộc Anh (1641-1946)
Vương quốc Sarawak (1841–1946)
Bắc đảo Borneo trong liên bang Bắc đảo Borneo (1882–1963)
> Malaysia trong thế chiến thứ hai
Nhật Bản xâm chiếm (1941–1945)
Tiến tới thống nhất và độc lập
Liên hiệp Mã Lai (1946–1948)
Liên bang Mã Lai (1948–1963)
Độc lập (1957)
Liên bang Malaysia (1963–hiện nay)
Bồ Đào Nha là cường quốc thực dân châu Âu đầu tiên thiết lập căn cứ tại Malaysia, chiếm Malacca năm 1511, tiếp theo họ là người Hà Lan. Anh Quốc ban đầu thiết lập các căn cứ tại Jesselton, Kuching, Penang, và Singapore, cuối cùng đảm bảo được quyền bá chủ của mình tại lãnh thổ nay là Malaysia. Hiệp định Anh-Hà Lan năm 1824 xác định ranh giới giữa Malaya thuộc Anh và Đông Ấn Hà Lan. Giai đoạn thứ tư của quá trình tiếp nhận ảnh hưởng ngoại quốc là sự nhập cư của những công nhân người Hoa và người Ấn nhằm đáp ứng nhu cầu của kinh tế thuộc địa do Anh Quốc thiết lập trên bán đảo Mã Lai và Borneo.[1]
Trong Chiến tranh thế giới thứ hai, Nhật Bản xâm chiếm Malaysia, chấm dứt quyền thống trị của Anh Quốc. Chủ nghĩa dân tộc được giải phóng trong thời gian Nhật Bản chiếm đóng Malaya, Bắc Borneo và Sarawak từ 1942 đến 1945. Tại Malaysia bán đảo, Đảng Cộng sản Malaya tiến hành nổi dậy vũ trang chống Anh Quốc, song bị dập tắt bằng quân sự. Sau đó, Liên bang Malaya độc lập đa dân tộc được thành lập vào năm 1957. Đến ngày 31 tháng 8 năm 1963, các lãnh thổ của Anh Quốc tại miền bắc đảo Borneo và Singapore được trao quyền độc lập và cùng các bang trên Bán đảo lập nên Malaysia vào ngày 16 tháng 9 năm 1963. Hai năm sau, Quốc hội Malaysia tách Singapore khỏi liên bang.[2] Đầu thập niên 1960, Malaysia và Indonesia xảy ra đối đầu. Bạo loạn dân tộc trong năm 1969 dẫn đến áp đặt luật tình trạng khẩn cấp, cắt giảm sinh hoạt chính trị và tự do dân sự. Kể từ 1970, "liên minh Mặt trận Dân tộc" do Tổ chức dân tộc Mã Lai thống nhất (UMNO) lãnh đạo là phe phái chính trị cầm quyền tại Malaysia. Dưới thời Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia trải qua tăng trưởng kinh tế từ thập niên 1980. Vào thời điểm Mahathir chuẩn bị rời chính trường, Malaysia từ một nước nông nghiệp đã trở thành một nền kinh tế hiện đại, đa dạng. Mahathir đã để lại dấu ấn không thể phai mờ trong lịch sử phát triển Malaysia.
Tiền sử
Tại Lenggong, khai quật được những chiếc rìu tay bằng đá của giống người ban đầu mà có thể là Homo erectus. Chúng có niên đại 1,83 triệu năm, là bằng chứng sớm nhất về việc họ Người cư trú tại Đông Nam Á.[3] Bằng chứng sớm nhất về sự cư trú của người hiện đại tại Malaysia là sọ người 4.000 năm tuổi khai quật từ hang Niah tại Borneo vào năm 1958.[4] Bộ xương hoàn chỉnh cổ nhất phát hiện được tại Malaysia là người Perak 11.000 năm tuổi khai quật vào năm 1991.[5] Những nhóm người bản địa trên bán đảo có thể phân thành ba dân tộc, Negrito, Senoi, và Mã Lai nguyên thủy.[6] Những dân cư đầu tiên của bán đảo Mã Lai hầu như chắc chắn là người Negrito.[7] Những người săn bắn thuộc Thời đại đồ đá giữa này hầu như chắc chắn là tổ tiên của Semang, một dân tộc Negrito có lịch sử lâu dài tại bán đảo Mã Lai.[8]
Người Senoi xuất hiện như một nhóm hỗn hợp, với khoảng một nửa DNA ti thể mẫu hệ truy nguyên tới tổ tiên của người Semang và khoảng một nửa là người di trú đến từ Đông Dương sau đó. Các học giả đưa ra giả thuyết rằng họ là hậu duệ của những dân cư nông nghiệp nói tiếng Nam Á ban đầu, họ đem ngôn ngữ và kỹ thuật của mình đến phần phía nam của bán đảo vào khoảng 4.000 năm trước. Họ liên hiệp và hiệp nhất với dân cư bản địa.[9]
Những người Mã Lai nguyên thủy có nguồn gốc đa dạng hơn[10] và đã định cư tại Malaysia vào khoảng 1000 TCN.[11] Mặc dù họ thể hiện một số liên kết với những dân cư khác tại Đông Nam Á Hàng hải, song một số cũng có tổ tiên tại Đông Dương vào khoảng kỳ băng hà cực độ cuối khoảng 20.000 năm trước. Những nhà nhân loại học ủng hộ quan điểm rằng người Mã Lai nguyên thủy có nguồn gốc từ nơi mà nay là Vân Nam, Trung Quốc.[12] Tiếp theo đó là một sự phân tán vào đầu thế Toàn Tân qua bán đảo Mã Lai đến quần đảo Mã Lai.[13]
Khoảng 300 TCN, họ bị người Mã Lai thứ đẩy và nội lục, người Mã Lai thứ là một dân tộc thời đại đồ sắt hoặc đồ đồng và có nguồn gốc một phần từ người Chăm.
Người Mã Lai thứ là dân tộc đầu tiên trên bán đảo sử dụng các công cụ bằng kim loại, là tổ tiên trực tiếp của người Mã Lai Malaysia hiện nay, họ mang theo các kỹ thuật canh tác tiến bộ.[8]
Các vương quốc đầu tiên
Trong thiên niên kỷ đầu tiên CN, người Mã Lai trở thành dân tộc chiếm ưu thế trên bán đảo. Một số tiểu quốc ban đầu hình thành và chịu ảnh hưởng lớn từ văn hóa Ấn Độ.[14] Ảnh hưởng của Ấn Độ trong khu vực truy nguyên ít nhất là đến thế kỷ 3 CN. Văn hóa Nam Ấn được truyền bá đến Đông Nam Á nhờ vương triều Pallava trong thế kỷ 4 và 5.[15]
Người Tamil cổ đại gọi bán đảo Mã Lai là Suvarnadvipa hay "bán đảo hoàng kim". Bán đảo được thể hiện trong bản đổ của Ptolemaeus với tên "bán đảo hoàng kim", ông thể hiện eo biển Malacca với tên Sinus Sabaricus.[16] Quan hệ mậu dịch với Trung Hoa và Ấn Độ được thiết lập trong thế kỷ 1 TCN.[11] Những mảnh vỡ đồ gốm Trung Hoa phát hiện được tại Borneo có niên đại từ thế kỷ 1 sau khi nhà Hán khuếch trương về phía nam.[17]
Trong những thế kỷ đầu tiên của thiên niên kỷ thứ nhất, dân cư tại bán đảo Mã Lai tiếp nhận các tôn giáo Ấn Độ là Ấn Độ giáo và Phật giáo, chúng có tác động lớn về ngôn ngữ và văn hóa của dân cư tại Malaysia.[18] Hệ thống chữ viết tiếng Phạn được sử dụng ngay từ thế kỷ 4.[19]
Một số vương quốc Mã Lai tồn tại trong thế kỷ 2 và 3, số lượng đến 30, chủ yếu tập trung tại bờ phía đông của bán đảo Mã Lai.[14] Trong số những vương quốc đầu tiên được biết đến có cơ sở tại khu vực nay là Malaysia, có quốc gia cổ Langkasuka nằm tại miền bắc bán đảo Mã Lai và có căn cứ tại lãnh thổ Kedah ngày nay.[14]
Quốc gia này có liên kết mật thiết với Phù Nam vốn cũng cai trị bộ phận miền bắc Malaysia cho đến thế kỷ 6.
Theo Sejarah Melayu ("Biên niên sử Mã Lai"), hoàng tử Phù Nam Raja Ganji Sarjuna thành lập vương quốc Gangga Negara (tại Beruas, Perak ngày nay) trong thập niên 700. Các biên niên sử Trung Hoa trong thế kỷ 5 nói về một cảng lớn ở phương nam gọi là Can Đà Li (干陁利), được cho là nằm bên eo biển Malacca.
Trong thế kỷ 7, biên niên sử Trung Hoa đề cập đến Thất Lợi Phật Thệ, và nó được cho là ám chỉ Srivijaya. Từ thế kỷ 7 đến thế kỷ 13, phần lớn bán đảo Mã Lai nằm dưới quyền cai trị của Đế quốc Srivijaya theo Phật giáo. Địa điểm trung tâm của Srivijaya được cho là tại một cửa sông tại miền đông đảo Sumatra, đặt cơ sở gần Palembang hiện nay.[20]
Trong hơn sáu thế kỷ, các Maharajah của Srivijaya cai trị một đế quốc hàng hải là đại cường quốc trong khu vực. Đế quốc dựa vào mậu dịch, với các vương tại địa phương (dhatu hay thủ lĩnh cộng đồng) tuyên thệ trung thành với quân chủ trung ương nhằm cùng hưởng lợi.[21]
Tượng Quán Thế Âm phát hiện được tại Perak, thế kỷ 8–9
Quan hệ giữa Srivijaya và Đế quốc Chola tại Nam Ấn là hữu hảo trong thời kỳ trị vì của Raja Raja Chola I, song trong thời gian trị vì của Rajendra Chola I thì Chola tấn công các thành thị của Srivijaya.[22]
Năm 1025 và 1026, Rajendra Chola I tấn công Gangga Negara, vị hoàng đế Tamil được cho là đã tàn phá Kota Gelanggi. Kedah nằm trên tuyến đường xâm chiếm và do Chola cai trị từ năm 1025. Một cuộc xâm chiếm thứ nhì do Virarajendra Chola lãnh đạo, ông ta chinh phục Kedah vào cuối thế kỷ 11.[23] Virarajendra Chola dập tắt một cuộc nổi dậy tại Kedah nhằm lật đổ những người xâm chiếm. Việc người Chola tiến đến làm giảm uy thế của Srivijaya, vốn có ảnh hưởng đến Kedah, Pattani và xa đến Ligor. Trong thời gian trị vì của Kulothunga Chola I, quyền bá chủ của Chola được thiết lập tại Kedah trong cuối thế kỷ 11.[24]
Một bài thơ Tamil thế kỷ thư hai 2 tên là Pattinapalai mô tả về hàng hóa từ Kedaram (Kedah) chất đầy trên đường phố kinh thành Chola. Một kịch của Ấn Độ thế kỷ 7 mang tên Kaumudhimahotsva đề cập đến Kedah với tên Kataha-nagari.
Agnipurana cũng đề cập đến một lãnh thổ gọi là Anda-Kataha với một đoạn biên giới được xác định bằng một đỉnh núi cao, được các học giả cho là núi Jerai. Các câu chuyện từ Katasaritasagaram mô tả tính thanh lịch trong sinh hoạt tại Kataha.
Vương quốc Ligor theo Phật giáo sau đó đoạt quyền kiểm soát Kedah, quốc vương Ligor là Chandrabhanu sử dụng Kedah làm một căn cứ để tấn công Sri Lanka trong thế kỷ 11, một sự kiện được ghi trong một bản khắc đá tại Nagapattinum thuộc Tamil Nadu và trong biên niên sử Mahavamsa của Sri Lanka.
Đương thời, vương quốc Miên, Xiêm, và thậm chí Chola nỗ lực nhằm kiểm soát các tiểu quốc Mã Lai.[14] Quyền lực của Srivijaya suy yếu từ thế kỷ 12 do quan hệ giữa kinh thành và các chư hầu bị tan vỡ. Chiến tranh với người Java khiến Srivijaya phải cầu viện Trung Hoa, và chiến tranh với các quốc gia Ấn Độ cũng khả nghi. Trong thế kỷ 11, quyền lực rời đến Melayu, một cảng có thể nằm xa hơn về nội lục tại Sumatra và ven sông Jambi.[21] Quyền lực của các Maharaja Phật giáo bị suy yếu hơn nữa khi Hồi giáo được truyền bá. Các khu vực sớm cải sang Hồi giáo như Aceh tách khỏi quyền kiểm soát của Srivijaya. Đến cuối thế kỷ 13, các quốc vương của Sukhothai khống chế đại bộ phận Malaysia bán đảo. Trong thế kỷ 14, Đế quốc Majapahit Ấn Độ giáo có căn cứ tại Java tiến hành thuộc địa hóa bán đảo.[20]
Hồi giáo truyền bá
Hồi giáo truyền đến quần đảo Mã Lai thông qua những thương nhân Ả Rập và Ấn Độ trong thế kỷ 13, kết thúc thời kỳ của Ấn Độ giáo và Phật giáo.[11] Hồi giáo dần tiến đến khu vực, và trở thành tôn giáo của tầng lớp ưu tú trước khi truyền bá đến thường dân. Hồi giáo tại Malaysia chịu ảnh hưởng từ các tôn giáo trước đó và nguyên bản là không chính thống.[14]
Cảng Malacca trên bờ biển phía tây của bán đảo Mã Lai được thành lập vào năm 1402 theo lệnh của Parameswara, một hoàng tử của Srivijaya tẩu thoát khỏi Temasek (nay là Singapore)[14]. Sau khi tẩu thoát, Parameswara tiến về phía bắc để thành lập một khu định cư. Tại Muar, Parameswara cân nhắc đặt quốc gia mới của mình tại Biawak Busuk hoặc là Kota Buruk. Nhận thấy vị trí của Muar không phù hợp, ông tiếp tục đi về phía bắc. Ông tiến đến một làng cá tại cửa sông Bertam (tên cũ của sông Melaka), và thành lập khu định cư mà sau phát triển thành Vương quốc Malacca. Theo Biên niên sử Mã Lai, tại đây Parameswara trông thấy một con cheo cheo đá một con chó nghỉ bên dưới một cây Malacca, ông cho rằng đây là một điềm lành nên quyết định kiến lập một vương quốc mang tên Malacca. Ông cho xây dựng và cải tiến hạ tầng cho mậu dịch, Vương quốc Malacca thường được nhìn nhận là quốc gia độc lập đầu tiên tại bán đảo.[25]
Thời điểm Malacca hình thành, hoàng đế triều Minh phái các hạm đội đi khuếch trương mậu dịch. Đô đốc Trịnh Hòa ghé thăm Malacca và đưa Parameswara cùng mình trở tại Đại Minh, một sự công nhận vị thế quân chủ hợp pháp của ông.
Đổi lại, việc được triều cống thường lệ, hoàng đế Đại Minh cung cấp sự bảo hộ cho Malacca trước đe dọa liên tục về một cuộc tấn công của Xiêm. Người Hoa và người Ấn định cư tại bán đảo mã Lai trước và trong giai đoạn này là tổ tiên của cộng đồng Baba-Nyonya và Chetti hiện nay.
Theo một giả thuyết, Parameswara trở thành một người Hồi giáo khi ông kết hôn với một công chúa của Pasai và lấy tước hiệu Ba Tư là "Shah", tự xưng là Iskandar Shah.[26] Biên niên sử Trung Hoa đề cập rằng vào năm Vĩnh Lạc thứ 9 (1414), con trai của quân chủ đầu tiên của Malacca đến chầu hoàng đế Đại Minh để thông báo rằng cha mình đã từ trần.
Con trai của Parameswara sau đó được hoàng đế Đại Minh chính thức công nhận là quân chủ thứ nhì của Malacca, mang tước Raja Sri Rama Vikrama, và được các thần dân Hồi giáo biết đến với tước Sultan Sri Iskandar Zulkarnain Shah hay Sultan Megat Iskandar Shah. Ông cai trị Malacca từ năm 1414 đến năm 1424.[26][27]
Thông qua ảnh hưởng của những người Hồi giáo Ấn Độ, và ở một mức độ thấp hơn là người Hồi từ Trung Quốc, Hồi giáo trở nên ngày càng phổ biến trong thế kỷ 15.
Sau một giai đoạn ban đầu triều cống cho Ayutthaya,[14] Malacca nhanh chóng đàm nhận vị trí trước đây của Srivijaya, thiết lập quan hệ độc lập với Đại Minh, và khai thác vị trí chi phối eo biển Malacca để kiểm soát mậu dịch hàng hải Trung-Ấn, vốn trở nên ngày càng quan trọng khi các cuộc chinh phục của người Mông Cổ cắt đứt tuyến đường bộ giữa Trung Hoa và phương Tây.
Trong vòng vài năm sau khi thành lập, Malacca chính thức chấp nhận Hồi giáo. Parameswara trở thành một người Hồi giáo, và do vậy việc cải biến tôn giáo của người Mã Lai sang Hồi giáo được tăng tốc trong thế kỷ 15.[20] Quyền lực chính trị của Malacca giúp truyền bá nhanh chóng Hồi giáo trên khắp quần đảo. Malacca là một trung tâm thương nghiệp quan trọng vào đương thời, thu hút mậu dịch từ khắp khu vực.[20]
Đến đầu thế kỷ 16, cùng với Malacca trên bản đảo Mã Lai và nhiều bộ phận của Sumatra, vương quốc Demak tại Java, và các vương quốc khác trên khắp quần đảo Mã Lai ngày càng cải sang Hồi giáo,[28] nó trở thành tôn giáo chi phối đối với người Mã Lai, và tiến xa đến Philippines ngày nay. Vương triều Malacca tồn tại trong hơn một thế kỷ, song trong thời gian này nó trở thành trung tâm của văn hóa Mã Lai. Hầu hết các quốc gia Mã Lai trong tương lai đều bắt nguồn trong giai đoạn này.[11] Malacca trở thành một trung tâm văn hóa, tạo ra mô hình của văn hóa Mã Lai hiện đại: một sự pha trộn của các yếu tố Mã Lai bản địa và các yếu tố Ấn Độ, Trung Hoa và Hồi giáo.
Những phong cách của Malacca trong văn chương, nghệ thuật, âm nhạc, vũ đạo và trang phục, và các tước hiệu trong triều đình, được nhận định là tiêu chuẩn đối với mọi người Mã Lai. Triều đình Malacca cũng đem lại thanh thế lớn cho tiếng Mã Lai, thứ tiếng nguyên tiến hóa tại Sumatra và được đưa đến Malacca khi nó hình thành. Tiếng Mã Lai trở thành ngôn ngữ chính thức của toàn bộ các bang tại Malaysia, song các ngôn ngữ địa phương vẫn tồn tại ở một số nơi.
Sau khi Malacca sụp đổ, Vương quốc Brunei trở thành trung tâm lớn của Hồi giáo trong khu vực.[11]
Đấu tranh vì quyền bá chủ
Đế quốc Ottoman đóng cửa tuyến đường bộ từ châu Á đến châu Âu và thương nhân Ả Rập yêu sách nhằm độc quyền mậu dịch với Ấn Độ và Đông Nam Á, do vậy các cường quốc châu Âu tìm kiếm một tuyến hàng hải. Năm 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque dẫn một đoàn viễn chinh đến Malaya, họ chiếm Malacca với ý định sử dụng nơi này làm một căn cứ cho các hoạt động tại Đông Nam Á.[14] Đây là yêu sách thuộc địa đầu tiên tại khu vực nay là Malaysia.[20] Con trai của Quốc vương Malacca cuối cùng là Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah II chạy đến cực nam của bán đảo, tại đây ông thành lập một quốc gia mà sau là Vương quốc Johor.[14] Một người con trai khác kiến lập Vương quốc Perak ở phía bắc. Đến cuối thế kỷ 16, các thương nhân người Âu khám phá các mỏ thiếc tại miền bắc Malaya, và Perak phát triển thịnh vượng nhơd thu nhập từ xuất khẩu thiếc.[21] Bồ Đào Nha có ảnh hưởng mạnh mẽ, họ tích cực nỗ lực nhằm cải biến tôn giáo của dân cư Malacca sang Công giáo.[14] Năm 1571, người Tây Ban Nha chiếm Manila và thiết lập một thuộc địa tại Philippines, làm suy giảm quyền lực của Brunei.[11]
Pháo đài A Famosa tại Malacca được người Bồ Đào Nha xây dựng trong thế kỷ 16.
Sau khi Malacca sụp đổ trước người Bồ Đào Nha, Vương quốc Johor và Vương quốc Aceh tại miền bắc Sumatra lấp đầy khoảng trống quyền lực.[14]
Ba thế lực đấu tranh nhằm thống trị bán đảo Mã Lai và các đảo xung quanh.[21] Johor được thành lập trong bối cảnh Malacca bị chinh phục song phát triển đủ mạnh để cạnh tranh với người Bồ Đào Nha, song không thể tái chiếm thành phố. Thay vào đó, Johor khuếch trương theo các hướng khác, xây dựng trong 130 năm một trong những quốc gia Mã Lai lớn nhất.[14] Trong thời gian này, nhiều nỗ lực nhằm tái chiếm Malacca dẫn đến phản ứng mạnh từ người Bồ Đào Nha, họ thậm chí tấn công đến kinh thành của Johor là Johor Lama vào năm 1587.[14]
Năm 1607, Vương quốc Aceh nổi lên thành một quốc gia hùng cường và thịnh vượng nhất tại quần đảo Mã Lai. Trong thời gian trị vì của Iskandar Muda, quyền kiểm soát của Aceh được khuếch trương ra một số quốc gia Mã Lai. Một cuộc chinh phục đáng chú ý là tại Perak, một quốc gia sản xuất thiếc trên bán đảo.[21] Sức mạnh của hạm đội Aceh kết thúc trong chiến dịch chống Malacca vào năm 1629, khi liên quân Bồ Đào Nha và Johor tiêu diệt toàn bộ tàu và 19.000 quân nhân của Aceh theo tường thuật của Bồ Đào Nha. Tuy nhiên, quân Aceh chưa bị tiêu diệt do họ có thể chinh phục Kedah trong cùng năm và đưa nhiều dân cư nước này đến Aceh. Một cựu vương tử của Pahang là Iskandar Thani sau đó trở thành Sultan của Aceh. Xung đột nhằm giành quyền kiểm soát eo biển kéo dài cho đến năm 1641, khi đồng minh của Johor là người Hà Lan giành quyền kiểm soát Malacca.
Trong đầu thế kỷ 17, Công ty Đông Ấn Hà Lan được thành lập, và trong thời gian này Hà Lan có chiến tranh với Tây Ban Nha- cùng nằm trong Liên minh Iberia với Bồ Đào Nha. Người Hà Lan lập một liên minh với Johor và sử dụng điều này nhằm đẩy người Bồ Đào Nha khỏi Malacca vào năm 1641.[14] Được người Hà Lan hỗ trợ, Johor thiết lập một quyền bá chủ lỏng đối với các quốc gia Mã Lai, ngoại trừ Perak do nước này có thể kích động Johor chống Xiêm và duy trì độc lập. Người Hà Lan không can thiệp trong những sự vụ địa phương tại Malacca, nhưng đồng thời chuyển hầu hết giao dịch đến các thuộc địa của họ trên đảo Java.[14]
Nhược điểm của các tiểu quốc Mã Lai duyên hải dẫn đến người Bugis nhập cư, họ thoát khỏi sự thực dân hóa của Hà Lan tại Sulawesi, thiết lập nhiều khu định cư trên bán đảo và sử dụng chúng để gây trở ngại cho mậu dịch của người Hà Lan.[14] Họ đoạt quyền kiểm soát Johor sau khi ám sát Sultan cuối cùng của dòng vương thất Malacca cũ vào năm 1699. Người Bugis khuếch trương quyền lực của mình tại các quốc gia Johor, Kedah, Perak, và Selangor.[14] Người Minangkabau từ trung tâm Sumatra di cư đến Malaya, và cuối cùng thiết lập quốc gia riêng của họ là Negeri Sembilan. Sự sụp đổ của Johor để lại một khoảng trống quyền lực trên bán đảo Mã Lai, thế lực lấp đầy một phần là Ayutthaya, quốc gia Xiêm La này biến năm quốc gia Mã Lai ở phía bắc là Kedah, Kelantan, Pattani, Perlis, và Terengganu làm chư hầu. Việc Johor suy yếu cũng khiến Perak trở thành thủ lĩnh của các quốc gia Mã Lai.
Tầm quan trọng kinh tế của Malaya đối với châu Âu phát triển nhanh chóng trong thế kỷ 18. Mậu dịch trà phát triển nhanh giữa Trung Hoa và Anh làm gia tăng nhu cầu về thiếc Malaya có chất lượng cao để làm hòm đựng trà. Tiêu Malaya cũng có danh tiếng tại châu Âu, trong khi Kelantan và Pahang có những mỏ vàng. Sự phát triển của khai thác thiếc và vàng và những ngành dịch vụ liên quan dẫn đến dòng người định cư ngoại quốc đầu tiên đến thế giới Mã Lai—ban đầu là người Ả Rập và Ấn Độ, sau đó là người Hoa—họ định cư tại các đô thị và sớm chi phối các hoạt động kinh tế. Điều này thiết lập một mô hình đặc trưng cho xã hội Malaya trong 200 năm tiếp theo, đó là dân cư Mã Lai nông thôn ngày càng nằm dưới quyền chi phối của các cộng đồng nhập cư đô thị thịnh vượng.
Ảnh hưởng của Anh
Những thương nhân người Anh hiện diện trong hải phận Mã Lai từ thế kỷ 17. Trước giữa thế kỷ 19, quan tâm của Anh trong khu vực chủ yếu là về kinh tế, ít quan tâm đến kiểm soát lãnh thổ. Khi đã là thế lực thuộc địa hóa hùng mạnh nhất tại Ấn Độ, Anh hướng về Đông Nam Á nhằm tìm kiếm tài nguyên mới.[14] Sự phát triển của mậu dịch với Trung Quốc của các tàu của Anh làm tăng mong muốn đặt căn cứ trong khu vực. Nhiều đảo được sử dụng cho mục đích này, song đảo đầu tiên thu được lâu dài là Penang, thuê từ Sultan của Kedah vào năm 1786.[29] Ngay sau đó là việc thuê một khu vực lãnh thổ trên đại lục đối diện với Penang (gọi là tỉnh Wellesley). Năm 1795, trong Các cuộc chiến tranh của Napoléon, được sự tán thành của Hà Lan, người Anh chiếm đóng Malacca thuộc Hà Lan nhằm ngăn chặn khả năng Pháp quan tâm đến khu vực.[20]
Khi Malacca được trao trả cho Hà Lan vào năm 1815, thống đốc của Anh là Stamford Raffles tìm kiếm một căn cứ thay thế, và đến năm 1819 ông thu được Singapore từ Sultan của Johor.[30] Việc trao đổi thuộc địa Bencoolen lấy Malacca với người Hà Lan khiến Anh trở thành thế lực thực dân duy nhát trên bán đảo Mã Lai.[14] Các lãnh thổ của Anh được thiết lập với vị thế là các cảng tự do, nỗ lực nhằm phá vỡ độc quyền của các thế lực thực dân khác đương thời, và biến chúng thành những cơ sở mậu dịch lớn. Chúng cho phép Anh kiểm soát toàn bộ mậu dịch thông qua eo biển Malacca.[14] Ảnh hưởng của Anh gia tăng khi người Malaya lo sợ trước sự bành trướng của Xiêm, khi Anh trở thành một đối trọng hữu dụng. Trong thế kỷ 19, các Sultan Mã Lai liên kết bản thân với Đế quốc Anh do những lợi ích của việc liên hiệp với Anh và tin tưởng vào nền văn minh cao cấp của Anh.[21]
Năm 1824, quyền bá chủ của Anh tại Malaya được chính thức hóa theo Hiệp định Anh-Hà Lan, theo đó phân chia khu vực Mã Lai giữa Anh và Hà Lan. Người Hà Lan rút khỏi Malacca[20] và từ bỏ toàn bộ quyền lợi tại Malaya, trong khi Anh công nhận quyền cai trị của Hà Lan đối với phần còn lại của Đông Ấn. Đến năm 1826, Anh kiểm soát Penang, Malacca, Singapore, và đảo Labuan, chúng được hợp thành thuộc địa vương thất Các khu định cư Eo biển,[14] ban đầu nằm dưới quyền hành chính của Công ty Đông Ấn Anh cho đến năm 1867, sau đó được chuyển cho Bộ Thuộc địa tại Luân Đôn.[21]
Ban đầu, người Anh tuân theo một chính sách không can thiệp vào quan hệ giữa các quốc gia Mã Lai.[21][31] Tầm quan trọng thương nghiệp của khai thác thiếc tại các quốc gia Mã Lai đối với thương nhân tại Các khu định cư Eo biển dẫn đến đấu tranh giữa tầng lớp quý tộc trên bán đảo. Sự bất ổn của những quốc gia này gây tổn thất cho thương nghiệp trong khu vực, dẫn đến sự can thiệp của người Anh. Sự thịnh vượng của hoạt động khai thác thiếc tại Perak khiến người Anh ưu tiên thực hiện ổn định chính trị tại đây, và Perak do đó trở thành quốc gia Mã Lai đầu tiên chấp thuận sự giám sát của một thống sứ người Anh.[14] Ngoại giao pháo hạm của Anh được sử dụng nhằm đem lại một giải pháp hòa bình cho nội loạn có nguyên nhân từ các băng đảng người Hoa và Mã Lai trong một đấu tranh chính trị. Hiệp định Pangkor 1874 mở đường cho việc khuếch trương ảnh hưởng của Anh tại Malaya. Người Anh dàn xếp các hiệp định với một số quốc gia Mã Lai, đặt chức "thống sứ" để cố vấn cho các Sultan và ngay sau đó trở thành người cai trị thực tế tại các quốc gia đó.[32] Những cố vấn này nằm giữ mọi quyền lực ngoại trừ tôn giáo và phong tục Mã Lai.[14]
Một mình Johor kháng cự bằng cách hiện đại hóa và trao sự bảo hộ pháp lý cho các nhà đầu tư Anh và Hoa. Bước sang thế kỷ 20, các quốc gia Pahang, Selangor, Perak, và Negeri Sembilan, được gọi chung là các quốc gia Mã Lai liên bang, có các cố vấn người Anh.[14] Năm 1909, Xiêm buộc phải nhượng Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis và Terengganu, vốn đã có các cố vấn người Anh, cho Anh.[14] Sultan Abu Bakar của Johor và Nữ vương Victoria có quen biết cá nhân và công nhận nhau bình đẳng. Cho đến năm 1914, người kế vị của Sultan Abu Bakar là Sultan Ibrahim chấp thuận một cố vấn người Anh. Bốn quốc gia nguyên là chư hầu của Xiêm, cùng với Johor được gọi là Các quốc gia Mã Lai phi liên bang. Các quốc gia nằm dưới quyền kiểm soát hầu như là trực tiếp của Anh trải qua phát triển nhanh chóng, trở thành những nhà cung cấp lớn nhất trên thế giới về thiếc, rồi cao su.[14]
Vào cuối thế kỷ 19, người Anh cũng giành quyền kiểm soát bờ biển phía bắc của Borneo, tại đây quyền cai trị của người Hà Lan chưa từng được thiết lập. Phát triển trên bán đảo Mã Lai và Borneo về đại thể là tách biệt cho đến thế kỷ 19.[33]
Phần phía đông của khu vực này (nay là Sabah) nằm dưới quyền kiểm soát danh nghĩa của Quốc vương Sulu, một chư hầu của Philippines thuộc Tây Ban Nha. Phần còn lại là lãnh thổ của Vương quốc Brunei. Năm 1841, nhà phiêu lưu người Anh James Brooke giúp Sultan của Brunei trấn áp một cuộc phản loạn, và đổi lại được nhận tước hiệu raja và quyển quản lý huyện sông Sarawak. Năm 1846, tước hiệu của ông được công nhận là có quyền thế tập, và các "Rajah da trắng" bắt đầu cai trị Sarawak như một quốc gia độc lập được công nhận. Nhà Brooke khuếch trương Sarawak cùng với tổn thất lãnh thổ của Brunei.[14]
Năm 1881, Công ty Bắc Borneo thuộc Anh được trao quyền kiểm soát lãnh thổ Bắc Borneo thuộc Anh, bổ nhiệm một thống đốc và cơ quan lập pháp, được cai trị từ văn phòng tại Luân Đôn. Tình trạng của nó là tương tự như một lãnh thổ bảo hộ của Anh, và nó khuếch trương lãnh thổ vào Brunei giống như Sarawak.[14] Philippines chưa từng công nhận việc mất lãnh thổ của Sultan của Sulu, sau đó yêu sách với miền đông Sabah. Năm 1888, phần còn lại của Brunei trở thành một lãnh thổ bảo hộ của Anh, và đến năm 1891 một hiệp định Anh-Hà Lan chính thức thiết lập biên giới giữa hai phần Borneo thuộc Anh và Hà Lan.
Đến năm 1910, mô hình cai trị của Anh tại các lãnh thổ Mã Lai được thiết lập. Các khu định cư Eo biển là một thuộc địa vương thất, cai trị bởi một thống đốc dưới quyền giám sát của Bộ Thuộc địa tại Luân Đôn. Dân cư tại đó có một nửa là người Hoa, song toàn bộ dân cư bất kể chủng tộc đều là thần dân của Anh.
Bốn quốc gia đầu tiên chấp thuận thống sứ người Anh là Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, và Pahang độc lập về phương diện pháp lý, song thực tế là thuộc địa của Anh. Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, và Terenggan có mức độ độc lập cao hơn một chút, song họ không thể kháng cự lâu ý muốn đặt thống sứ người Anh. Johor là đồng minh mật thiết nhất của Anh trong các sự vụ Mã Lai, có đặc quyền về một hiến pháp thành văn, theo dó trao cho Sultan quyền bổ nhiệm nội các của mình, song ông thường cẩn trọng tham vấn trước với người Anh.[31]
Tiến hóa của Malaysia
Chiến tranh và tình trạng khẩn cấp
Tugu Negara, đài tưởng niệm quốc gia của Malaysia dành cho những người hy sinh trong Chiến tranh thế giới thứ hai và Tình trạng khẩn cấp Malaya.
Trong Chiến tranh thế giới thứ nhất, tàu tuần dương Zhemchug của Nga bị tàu tuần dương Emden của Đức đánh đắm vào ngày 28 tháng 10 năm 1914 trong trận Penang.
Chiến tranh thế giới thứ hai tại Thái Bình Dương bùng nổ trong tháng 12 năm 1941, song người Anh tại Malaya thể hiện rằng họ hoàn toàn không có chuẩn bị. Trong thập niên 1930, dự đoán mối đe dọa tăng lên từ năng lực hải quân của Nhật Bản, họ xây dựng một căn cứ hải quân lớn tại Singapore, song chưa từng tiên liệu một cuộc xâm chiếm Malaya từ phía bắc. Do nhu cầu chiến tranh tại châu Âu, Anh Quốc hầu như không có năng lực không quân tại Viễn Đông. Người Nhật do đó có thể tấn công từ các căn cứ của họ tại Đông Dương thuộc Pháp mà không chịu tổn thất, bất chấp kháng cự từ các lực lượng Anh, Úc, và Ấn Độ, người Nhật tràn ngập Malaya chỉ sau hai tháng. Singapore đầu hàng vào tháng 2 năm 1942, Bắc Borneo và Brunei cũng bị người Nhật chiếm đóng.
Những nhà dân tộc chủ nghĩa người Mã Lai vốn chủ trương Melayu Raya đã cộng tác với người Nhật dựa trên quan điểm rằng Nhật Bản sẽ hợp nhất Đông Ấn Hà Lan, Malaya và Borneo và trao cho họ quyền độc lập.[34] Tuy nhiên, đối với người Hoa thì quân Nhật là kẻ địch, họ bị người Nhật đối xử rất khắc nghiệt: trong sự kiện túc thanh có đến 80.000 người Hoa tại Malaya và Singapore bị sát hại. Người Hoa dưới sự lãnh đạo của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya trở thành trụ cột của Quân đội Nhân dân Malaya kháng Nhật (MPAJA). Người Nhật làm tổn thương đến chủ nghĩa dân tộc Mã Lai khi họ cho phép đồng minh là Thái Lan tái thôn tính ba quốc gia phía bắc là Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan, và Terengganu. Việc mất thị trường xuất khẩu tạo ra thất nghiệp hàng loạt tại Malaya, tác động đến các dân tộc và khiến người Nhật ngày càng bị phản đối.
Trong thời gian Nhật Bản chiếm đóng, căng thẳng dân tộc gia tăng và chủ nghĩa dân tộc phát triển.[35] Người Malaya hân hoan khi chứng kiến người Anh trở lại vào năm 1945, song mọi thứ không thể được duy trì như thời tiền chiến, và có mong muốn mạnh mẽ hơn về độc lập.[36] Anh bị phá sản và chính phủ Lao động mới quyết định rút lực lượng khỏi phương Đông sớm nhất có thể. Chính sách của Anh nay là quyền tự trị thuộc địa và cuối cùng là độc lập, và cơn sóng chủ nghĩa dân tộc nhanh chóng tiếp cận Malaya. Tuy nhiên, hầu hết người Mã Lai quan tâm đến việc tự vệ trước Đảng Cộng sản Malaya do người Hoa chi phối nhiều hơn là yêu cầu độc lập từ Anh.
Năm 1944, người Anh lập kế hoạch về một Liên hiệp Malaya, theo đó sẽ hợp nhất các quốc gia Mã Lai liên bang và phi liên bang, cộng thêm Penang và Malacca (nhưng không có Singapore), thành một thuộc địa vương thất duy nhất, với một dự tính hướng đến độc lập. Các lãnh thổ tại Borneo và Singapore bị loại trừ do chúng gây khó khăn trong việc hình thành liên hiệp.[21] Tuy nhiên, điều này bị người Mã Lai phản đối mãnh liệt, họ phản đối sự suy yếu của các quân chủ Mã Lai và việc trao quyền công dân cho người Hoa và các dân tộc thiểu số khác.[37] Người Anh quyết định về quyền bình dẳng giữa các dân tộc do nhận thấy rằng trong đại chiến sự trung thành với Anh của người Hoa và người Ấn cao hơn so với người Mã Lai.[21] Các Sultan ban đầu ủng hộ kế hoạch, song sau đó thoái lui và đứng đầu hoạt động kháng cự.
Năm 1946, Tổ chức Dân tộc Mã Lai Thống nhất (UMNO) được những nhà dân tộc chủ nghĩa Mã Lai thành lập, đứng đầu là Thủ hiến Johor Dato Onn bin Jaafar.[21] UMNO chủ trương độc lập cho Malaya, song chỉ khi quốc gia mới do người Mã Lai độc quyền điều hành. Đối diện trước phản đối của người Mã Lai, người Anh từ bỏ kế hoạch về quyền công dân bình đẳng. Liên hiệp Malaya được thành lập vào năm 1946 bị bãi bỏ vào năm 1948 và thay thế bằng Liên bang Malaya, theo đó khôi phục quyền tự trị của các quân chủ các quốc gia Mã Lai dưới quyền bảo hộ của Anh.
Trong khi đó, những người Cộng sản chuyển hướng sang nổi dậy công khai. Quân đội Nhân dân Malaya kháng Nhật bị giải tán vào tháng 12 năm 1945, và Đảng Cộng sản Malaya được tổ chức thành một chính đảng hợp pháp, song vũ khí của quân đội này được lưu trữ cẩn thận để sử dụng trong tương lai. Chính sách của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya là lập tức độc lập với quyền bình đẳng đầy đủ cho toàn bộ các dân tộc. Sức mạnh của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya nằm trong các thương hội do người Hoa chi phối đặc biệt là tại Singapore, và trong các trường học Hoa ngữ. Trong tháng 3 năm 1947, Trần Bình trở thành thủ lĩnh của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya, từ đó tổ chức này ngày càng hành động trực tiếp. Phiến quân dưới sự lãnh đạo của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya phát động các chiến dịch du kích nhằm đẩy người Anh ra khỏi Malaya. Trong tháng 7, sau một loạt vụ ám sát những người quản lý đồn điển, chính phủ thuộc địa phán kích, tuyên bố một tình trạng khẩn cấp, cấm chỉ Đảng Cộng sản Malaya và bắt giữ hàng trăm chiến binh của Đảng này. Đảng Cộng sản Malaya triệt thoái vào trong khu vực rừng và thành lập Quân Giải phóng Nhân dân Malaya, với khoảng 13.000 người có vũ trang, toàn bộ đều là người Hoa.
Tình trạng khẩn cấp Malaya kéo dài từ năm 1948 đến năm 1960, và liên quan đến một chiến dịch chống nổi dậy kéo dài do quân đội Thịnh vượng chung tiến hành tại Malaya. Chiến lược của Anh là cô lập Đảng Cộng sản Malaya khỏi các cơ sở ủng hộ của họ bằng cách kết hợp các nhượng bộ về kinh tế và chính trị cho người Hoa và tái định cư người Hoa khai hoang vào những "Tân thôn" trong những vùng không nằm dưới ảnh hưởng của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya, hành động này cuối cùng giành được thành công. Việc huy động có hiệu quả người Mã Lai chống Đảng Cộng sản Malaya cũng là một phần quan trọng trong chiến lược của Anh. Từ năm 1949, chiến dịch của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya bị mất động lượng và việc tuyển mộ giảm mạnh. Đảng Cộng sản Malaya ám sát thành công Cao ủy người Anh Henry Gurney trong tháng 10 năm 1951, song do chuyển sang chiến lược khủng bố nên Đảng Cộng sản Malaya bị nhiều người Hoa ôn hòa xa lánh. Cao ủy mới của Anh là Gerald Templer đến vào năm 1952, bắt đầu sự kết thúc Tình trạng khẩn cấp. Templer phát minh ra các phương pháp chống chiến tranh nổi dậy tại Malaya và áp dụng chúng một cách tàn nhẫn. Mặc dù vậy, lực lượng nổi dậy bị quân Thịnh vượng chung đánh bại vẫn nằm trong bối cảnh Chiến tranh Lạnh.[38] Trong bối cảnh đó, độc lập cho Liên bang trong Thịnh vượng chung được trao ngày 31 tháng 8 năm 1957,[39] với Tunku Abdul Rahman là thủ tướng đầu tiên.[20]
Hướng tới Malaysia
Dataran Merdeka (quảng trường Độc lập) tại Kuala Lumpur, nơi người Malaysia tổ chức ngày độc lập vào 31 tháng 8 hàng năm.
Phản ứng của người Hoa chống Đảng Cộng sản Malaya thể hiện thông qua việc hình thành Công hội người Hoa Malaya (MCA) vào năm 1949, một phương tiện để biểu thị chính kiến của người Hoa ôn hòa. Người lãnh đạo tổ chức là Trần Trinh Lộc tán thành một chính sách cộng tác với Tổ chức Dân tộc Mã Lai Thống nhất nhằm giành độc lập cho Malaya và một chính sách về quyền công dân bình đẳng, song với những nhượng bộ đủ để người Mã Lai giảm bớt lo ngại. Trần Trinh Lộc thiết lập cộng tác mật thiết với Tunku Abdul Rahman, thủ hiến của Kedah và từ năm 1951 là người kế nhiệm Datuk Onn làm lãnh đạo của UMNO. Do người Anh tuyên bố vào năm 1949 rằng Malaya sẽ sớm được độc lập có chăng là người Malaya thích điều này hay không, cả hai nhà lãnh đạo nhất quyết tiến đến một thỏa thuận rằng các cộng đồng của họ có thể sống trong nền tảng của một quốc gia độc lập ổn định. Liên minh UMNO-MCA sau đó tiếp nhận thêm Đại hội người Ấn Malaysia (MIC), giành thắng lợi thuyết phục trong các cuộc bầu cử cấp địa phương và cấp bang trong cả các khu vực người Mã Lai và người Hoa từ năm 1952 đến năm 1955.[40]
Việc khởi đầu chính quyền địa phương được tuyển cử là một bước quan trọng khác nhằm đánh bại Cộng sản. Sau khi Joseph Stalin từ trần vào năm 1953, có sự chia rẽ trong giới lãnh đạo của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya xung quanh việc tiếp tục đấu tranh vũ trang. Nhiều chiến binh của Đảng Cộng sản Malaya mất nhiệt huyết và trở về quê, và đến khi Templer rời Malaya vào năm 1954 thì Tình trạng khẩn cấp chấm dứt, song Trần Bình lãnh đạo một nhóm ẩn náu dọc biên giới Thái Lan trong nhiều năm.
Trong năm 1955 và 1956, Tổ chức Dân tộc Mã Lai Thống nhất, Công hội người Hoa Malaya, và người Anh tìm ra một giải quyết hiến pháp cho nguyên tắc quyền công dân bình đẳng đối với mọi dân tộc. Đổi lại, Công hội người Hoa Malaya chấp thuận rằng nguyên thủ quốc gia của Malaya sẽ xuất thân từ những Sultan người Mã Lai, rằng tiếng Mã Lai sẽ là ngôn ngữ chính thức, và rằng giáo dục tiếng Mã Lai và phát triển kinh tế trong cộng đồng Mã Lai sẽ được xúc tiến và trợ cấp. Trên thực tế, điều này có nghĩa là Malaya sẽ do người Mã Lai điều hành, đặc biệt là họ sẽ tiếp tục chi phối các dịch vụ dân sự, quân đội và cảnh sát, song người Hoa và người Ấn sẽ có đại diện theo tỷ lệ trong Nội các và nghị viện, sẽ điều hành các bang mà họ chiếm đa số, và vị thế kinh tế của họ sẽ được bảo vệ.
Sau khi Nhật Bản đầu hàng, gia tộc Brooke và Công ty Bắc Borneo thuộc Anh từ bỏ quyền kiểm soát của họ tại Sarawak và Bắc Borneo, và những lãnh thổ này trở thành thuộc địa vương thất Anh. Hai lãnh thổ kém phát triển hơn nhiều về mặt kinh tế so với Malaya, và các lãnh đạo chính trị địa phương quá bạc nhược để yêu cầu độc lập. Singapore có phần lớn dân cư là người Hoa và giành được quyền tự trị vào năm 1955, và đến năm 1959 nhà lãnh đạo xã hội Lý Quang Diệu trở thành thủ tướng. Sultan của Brunei duy trì vị thế đối tác của Anh dựa vào tài nguyên dầu mỏ phong phú. Từ năm 1959 đến 1962, chính phủ Anh sắp xếp đàm phán giữa các nhà lãnh đạo địa phương này và chính phủ Malaya.
Năm 1961, Abdul Rahman nêu lên ý tưởng hình thành "Malaysia" bao gồm các thuộc địa của Anh là Brunei, Malaya, Bắc Borneo, Sarawak, và Singapore. Lý do đằng sau là nhằm tạo điều kiện để chính phủ trung ương kiểm soát và chống lại các hoạt động cộng sản, đặc biệt là tại Singapore. Cũng có lo ngại rằng nếu Singapore độc lập thì nơi đây sẽ trở thành một căn cứ cho những người theo chủ nghĩa Chauvin Trung Hoa đe dọa đến chủ quyền của Malaya. Nhằm cân bằng thành phần dân tộc của quốc gia mới, các lãnh thổ mà người Mã Lai và người bản địa chiếm đa số tại miền bắc Borneo cũng được kết hợp, họ sẽ giúp áp chế người Hoa tại Singapore.[41]
Mặc dù Lý Quang Diệu ủng hộ đề xuất, song những đối thủ của ông trong Mặt trận Xã hội Singapore thì phàn đối, cho rằng đây là một âm mưu để người Anh tiếp tục kiểm soát khu vực. Hầu hết các chính đảng tại Sarawak cũng phản đối hợp nhất, và tại Bắc Borneo dù không có chính đảng song các đại diện cộng đồng cũng tuyên bố rằng họ phản đối. Quốc vương của Brunei ủng hộ hợp nhất, song Đảng Nhân dân Brunei phản đối. Tại Hội nghị các thủ tướng Thịnh vượng chung năm 1961, Abdul Rahman giải thích thêm về đề xuất của mình cho những người phản đối. Trong tháng 10, ông đạt được đồng thuận từ chính phủ Anh về kế hoạch, miễn là được sự tán đồng từ các cộng đồng liên quan.
Ủy ban Cobbold tiến hành nghiên cứu tại các lãnh thổ Borneo và tán thành hợp nhất đối với Bắc Borneo và Sarawak; tuy nhiên phát hiện rằng một lượng đáng kể người Brunei phản đối hợp nhất. Bắc Borneo đề ra một danh sách gồm 20 điểm, đề xuất các điều kiện để lãnh thổ gia nhập liên bang mới. Sarawak chuẩn bị một bị vong lục tương tự với 18 điều. Một số điểm trong các thỏa thuận được đưa vào hiến pháp liên bang, một số được chấp thuận bằng miệng. Những bị vong lục này thường được trích dẫn bởi những người cho rằng quyền của Sarawak và Bắc Borneo bị xói mòn theo thời gian. Một cuộc trưng cầu dân ý được tiến hành tại Singapore nhằm đánh giá quan điểm, và 70% ủng hộ hợp nhất với quyền tự trị đáng kể cho chính phủ bang.[42][43] Vương quốc Brunei rút khỏi kế hoạch hợp nhất do phản đối từ một bộ phận đáng kể dân cư cũng như tranh luận về việc nộp thuế tài nguyên dầu mỏ và địa vị của Sultan trong kế hoạch hợp nhất.[31][40][44][45] Ngoài ra, Đảng Nhân dân Brunei tổ chức một cuộc nổi dậy vũ trang, và mặc dù bị dập tắt song điều này được cho là có khả năng gây bất ổn cho quốc gia mới.[46]
Sau khi tái xét kết quả nghiên cứu của Ủy ban Cobbold, chính phủ Anh bổ nhiệm Ủy ban Landsdowne nhằm soạn thảo một hiến pháp cho Malaysia. Hiến pháp cuối cùng về cơ bản là tương tự như hiến pháp năm 1957, song có một số diễn đạt lại như công nhận vị thế đặc biệt của những người bàn địa tại các bang trên đảo Borneo. Bắc Borneo, Sarawak và Singapore cũng được trao một số quyền tự trị mà các bang của Malaya không có. Sau các cuộc đàm phán trong tháng 7 năm 1963, một sự đồng thuận đạt được rằng Malaysia sẽ hình thành vào ngày 31 tháng 8 năm 1963, gồm có Malaya, Bắc Borneo, Sarawak và Singapore. Tuy nhiên, Philippines và Indonesia kịch liệt phản đối tiến triển này, Indonesia tuyên bố Malaysia đại diện cho một hình thức "chủ nghĩa tân thực dân" và Philippines tuyên bố Bắc Borneo là lãnh thổ của mình. Phản đối từ chính phủ Indonesia với nguyên thủ là Sukarno và các nỗ lực của Đảng Liên hiệp Nhân dân Sarawak trì hoãn việc hình thành Malaysia.[47] Do những yếu tố này, một nhóm gồm tám thành viên Liên Hợp Quốc được thành lập để tái xác định liệu Bắc Borneo và Sarawak có thực tâm mong muốn gia nhập Malaysia hay không.[48][49] Malaysia chính thức xuất hiện vào ngày 16 tháng 9 năm 1963, gồm có Malaya, Bắc Borneo, Sarawak, và Singapore, tổng dân số là khoảng 10 triệu.
Thách thức sau độc lập
Thời điểm độc lập, Malaya có những lợi thế lớn về kinh tế, nằm trong số những nhà sản xuất hàng đầu thế giới về ba mặt hàng có giá trị là cao su, thiếc và dầu cọ, và cũng là một nhà sản xuất quặng sắt quan trọng. Những ngành công nghiệp xuất khẩu cho phép chính phủ Malaya có thặng dư cao về tài chính để đầu tư cho các dự án phát triển công nghiệp và hạ tầng. Trong thập niên 1950 và 1960, Malaya và sau là Malaysia đặt trọng tâm và kế hoạch quốc gia, song Tổ chức Dân tộc Mã Lai Thống nhất chưa từng là một đảng xã hội. Các kế hoạch Malaya thứ nhất và thứ nhì (1956–60 và 1961–65) kích thích tăng trưởng kinh tế thông qua đầu tư quốc gia trong công nghiệp và tu sửa cơ sở hạ tầng như đường và cảng vốn bị hư hại và bỏ quên trong chiến tranh và Tình trạng khẩn cấp. Chính phủ quan tâm đến việc giảm sự phụ thuộc của Malaya vào xuất khẩu hàng hóa, và cũng nhận thức được rằng nhu cầu về cao su tự nhiên sắp hạ thấp do bị cao su tổng hợp thay thế.
Tổng thống Indonesia Sukarno được sự ủng hộ từ Đảng Cộng sản Indonesia (PKI) và nhìn nhận Malaysia như một âm mưu "chủ nghĩa thực dân mới" chống lại quốc gia của ông, và ủng hộ một cuộc nổi dậy cộng sản tại Sarawak, vốn chủ yếu liên quan đến các thành phần trong cộng đồng người Hoa địa phương. Lực lượng không chính quy của Indonesia xâm nhập Sarawak, song họ bị lực lượng Malaysia và Thịnh vượng chung ngăn chặn.[21] Thời kỳ đối đầu giữa Malaysia và Indonesia về kinh tế, chính trị và quân sự kéo dài cho đến khi Sukarno bị lật đổ vào năm 1966.[20] Philippines phản đối liên bang hình thành, tuyên bố Bắc Borneo là bộ phận của Sulu, và do đó thuộc Philippines.[21] Năm 1966, Tổng thống Ferdinand Marcos từ bỏ yêu sách, song vấn đề vẫn là một điểm gây tranh luận trong quan hệ Philippines-Malaysia.[50][51]
Đại khủng hoảng trong thập niên 1930, tiếp đến là Chiến tranh Trung-Nhật dẫn đến việc kết thúc làn sóng nhập cư của người Hoa đến Malaya. Điều này làm ổn định tình hình nhân khẩu học và kết thúc viễn cảnh người Mã Lai trở thành thiểu số tại quốc gia của họ. Cân bằng về dân tộc bị biến đổi do tác động từ việc hợp nhất Singapore có đa số dân cư là người Hoa, khiến nhiều người Mã Lai lo ngại.[14] Việc thành lập Malaysia khiến tỷ lệ người Hoa lên đến gần 40%. Cả Tổ chức Dân tộc Mã Lai Thống nhất và Công hội người Hoa Malaya đều lo lắng về khả năng Đảng Hành động Nhân dân của Lý Quang Diệu thu hút cử tri tại Malaya, và cố gắng tổ chức một đảng tại Singapore nhằm thách thức vị thế của Lý Quang Diệu tại đây. Đáp lại, Lý Quang Diệu đe dọa cho đảng viên của Đảng Hành động Nhân dân ứng cử tại Malaya trong bầu cử liên bang năm 1964, bất chấp một thỏa thuận trước đó. Căng thẳng dân tộc tăng cường khi Đảng Hành động Nhân dân thành lập một liên minh đối lập với mục tiêu bình đẳng giữa các dân tộc.[21] Điều này kích động Tunku Abdul Rahman yêu cầu Singapore rút khỏi Malaysia, và điều này diễn ra vào tháng 8 năm 1965.[52]
Sự cộng tác của Công hội người Hoa Malaysia và Đại hội người Ấn Malaysia trong các chính sách ưu tiên người Mã Lai khiến vị thế của họ bị suy yếu trong các cử tri người Hoa và người Ấn. Đồng thời, tác động từ các chính sách hành động quả quyết của chính phủ trong các thập niên 1950 và 1960 tạo ra một tầng lớp bất mãn gồm những người Mã Lai có giáo dục song thiếu việc làm. Điều này dẫn đến việc thành lập Mặt trận Nhân dân Malaysia (Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia) vào năm 1968. Đồng thời, Đảng Hồi giáo Malaysia (PAS) và một đảng xã hội của người Hoa mang tên Đảng Hành động Dân chủ (DAP) ngày càng được ủng hộ, lần lượt đe dọa đến UMNO và MCA.[14]
Trong bầu cử liên bang vào tháng 5 năm 1969, Liên minh UMNO-MCA-MIC chỉ giành được 48% số phiếu, song vẫn duy trì thế đa số trong cơ quan lập pháp. Công hội người Hoa Malaysia mất ghế về tay các ứng cử viên của Gerakan hoặc DAP. Phe đối lập mừng thắng lợi bằng cách tổ chức một đoàn xe diễu trên các phố chính của Kuala Lumpur với những người ủng hộ. Lo sợ về những thay đổi dẫn đến phản ứng dữ dội của người Mã Lai, nhanh chóng biến thành bạo loạn và xung đột giữa các cộng đồng với kết quả là khoảng 6.000 nhà và cơ sở kinh doanh của người Hoa bị phóng hỏa và có ít nhất 184 người bị sát hại.[53][54] Chính phủ tuyên bố một tình trạng khẩn cấp, và một Hội đồng điều hành quốc gia của Phó Thủ tướng Tun Abdul Razak đoạt quyền từ chính phủ của Tunku Abdul Rahman, đến tháng 9 năm 1970, Tunku Abdul Rahman buộc phải từ chức để ủng hộ Abdul Razak. Hội đồng gồm 9 thành viên và chủ yếu là người Mã Lai, nắm giữ toàn bộ quyền lực chính trị và quân sự.[14]
Malaysia hiện đại
Kuala Lumpur, một sự pha trộn cổ kim.
Năm 1971, Quốc hội được tái triệu tập, và một liên minh chính phủ mới mang tên Mặt trận Quốc gia (Barisan Nasional) nhậm chức.[14] Liên minh này gồm UMNO, MCA, MIC, Gerakan bị suy yếu nhiều, cùng các đảng khu vực tại Sabah và Sarawak. Đảng Hành động Dân chủ bị loại ra ngoài, chỉ là một đảng đối lập đáng kể. Đảng Hồi giáo Malaysia cũng gia nhập Mặt trận song bị trục xuất vào năm 1977. Abdul Razak nắm quyền cho đến khi mất vào năm 1976 và người kế nhiệm là Hussein Onn, Mahathir Mohamad nhậm chức thủ tướng vào năm 1981 và nắm quyền trong 22 năm.
Dưới thời Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia trải qua tăng trưởng kinh tế từ thập niên 1980.[55][56] Thời kỳ này cũng diễn ra một sự biến đổi từ kinh tế dựa trên nông nghiệp sang kinh tế dựa trên chế tạo và công nghiệp trong các lĩnh vực như máy tính và điện tử tiêu dùng. Cũng trong giai đoạn này, bộ mặt của Malaysia biến hóa với sự xuất hiện của nhiều siêu dự án, đáng chú ý trong đó là việc xây dựng Tháp đôi Petronas, Sân bay quốc tế Kuala Lumpur, Xa lộ Nam-Bắc, đường đua quốc tế Sepang, và thủ đô hành chính liên bang mới Putrajaya.
Cuối thập niên 1990, Malaysia trải qua náo động do khủng hoảng tài chính châu Á, khủng hoảng tàn phá kinh tế dựa trên lắp ráp của Malaysia. Nhằm ứng phó, Mahathir Mohamad ban đầu tiến hành các chính sách được IMF tán thành, tuy nhiên sự mất giá của Ringgit và suy thoái sâu thêm khiến ông thiết lập chương trình riêng của mình dựa trên việc bảo hộ Malaysia trước các nhà đầu tư ngoại quốc và chấn hưng kinh tế thông qua các dự án xây dựng và hạ lãi suất, các chính sách khiến kinh tế Malaysia khôi phục vào năm 2002. Năm 2003, Mahathir tự nguyện nghỉ hưu để ủng hộ Phó Thủ tướng Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.[14]
Ngày 9 tháng 5 năm 2018, Najib Razak đã thất bại trước cựu Thủ tướng, tiến sĩ Mahathir Mohamad trong cuộc tổng tuyển cử toàn quốc tại Malaysia, chấm dứt 60 năm cầm quyền của Liên minh Mặt trận Dân tộc (BN).[57] Ngày 12 tháng 5 năm 2018, Najib bị cấm không được ra khỏi nước vì các cáo buộc tội tham nhũng.[58][59] Ngày 28 tháng 7 năm 2020, Najib bị tuyên án 12 năm tù và phải nộp phạt 210 triệu ringgit (tương đương 49,3 triệu USD) với tội danh liên quan đến vụ bê bối tham nhũng quỹ đầu tư nhà nước 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB). Đây là lần đầu tiên tòa án của quốc gia này buộc tội một cựu Thủ tướng.[60][61][62]
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History of Malaysia
| History of Malaysia |
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 Malaysia portal |
Malaysia is located on a strategic sea lane that exposes it to global trade and various cultures. The name "Malaysia" is a modern concept, created in the second half of the 20th century. However, contemporary Malaysia regards the entire history of Malaya and Borneo, spanning thousands of years back to prehistoric times, as its own history.
An early western account of the area is seen in Ptolemy's book Geographia, which mentions a "Golden Chersonese" in the 2nd century, now identified as the Malay Peninsula.[1] Hinduism and Buddhism from India and China dominated early regional history, reaching their peak during the reign of the Sumatra-based Srivijaya civilisation, whose influence extended through Sumatra, West Java, East Borneo and the Malay Peninsula from the 7th to the 13th centuries.
Although Muslims passed through the Malay Peninsula as early as the 10th century, it was not until the 14th century that Islam first firmly established itself. The adoption of Islam in the 14th century saw the rise of several sultanates, the most prominent were the Sultanate of Malacca and the Sultanate of Brunei.
The Portuguese were the first European colonial power to establish themselves on the Malay Peninsula and Southeast Asia, capturing Malacca in 1511. This event led to the establishment of several sultanates such as Johor and Perak. Dutch hegemony over the Malay sultanates increased during the course of the 17th to 18th century, capturing Malacca in 1641 with the aid of Johor. In the 19th century, the English, after establishing bases at Jesselton, Kuching, Penang and Singapore, ultimately gained hegemony across the territory that is now Malaysia. The Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 defined the boundaries between British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies (which became Indonesia), and the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 defined the boundaries between British Malaya and Siam (which became Thailand). The fourth phase of foreign influence was a wave of immigration of Chinese and Indian workers to meet the needs created by the colonial economy in the Malay Peninsula and Borneo.[2]
The Japanese invasion during World War II ended British rule in Malaya. The subsequent occupation of Malaya, North Borneo and Sarawak from 1942 to 1945 unleashed a wave of nationalism. After the Empire of Japan was defeated by the Allies, the Malayan Union was established in 1946 by the British administration. Following opposition by the ethnic Malays, led by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the union was reorganized as the Federation of Malaya in 1948 as a protectorate until 1957. In the Peninsula, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) took up arms against the British and the tension led to the declaration of emergency rule for 12 years from 1948 to 1960. A forceful military response to the communist insurgency, followed by the Baling Talks in 1955, led to Malayan Independence on August 31, 1957, through diplomatic negotiation with the British.[3][4] Tunku Abdul Rahman became the first Prime Minister of Malaysia. The state of emergency was lifted in 1960 when the communist threat subsided as they withdrew to the borders between Malaya and Thailand.
On 16 September 1963, the Federation of Malaysia was formed following the merger of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and North Borneo (Sabah). However, in August 1965, Singapore was expelled from the federation and became a separate independent country.[5][6] A confrontation with Indonesia occurred in the early 1960s. A racial riot in 1969, also known as the 13 May incident, brought about the imposition of emergency rule, the suspension of parliament, the establishment of the National Operations Council (NOC), and the proclamation of Rukun Negara by the NOC in 1970, a national philosophy promoting unity among citizens.[7][8] The New Economic Policy (NEP) was adopted in 1971 and stayed in effect until 1991. It sought to eradicate poverty and restructure society to eliminate the identification of race with economic function.[9]
Under Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, there was a period of rapid economic growth and urbanization in the country beginning in the 1980s. The economy shifted from being agriculturally-based to one based on manufacturing and industry. Numerous megaprojects were completed, such as the Petronas Towers, the North–South Expressway, the Multimedia Super Corridor, and the new federal administrative capital of Putrajaya.[10] Under his tenure, the previous economic policy was succeeded by the National Development Policy (NDP) from 1991 to 2000. The late 1990s Asian financial crisis impacted the country, nearly causing their currency, stock, and property markets to crash; however, they later recovered.[11]
The Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition (previously known as Alliance Party), had ruled Malaysia from 1973 until it was defeated in the 2018 general election by the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition.[12] Early in 2020, Malaysia had a political crisis that resulted in the collapse of the PH administration and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN), a new coalition government headed by Muhyiddin Yassin of the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU).[13] During this time, the country faced a variety of crises, including political, health, social, economic, and cultural crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.[14][15] In August 2021, increased infighting between PN and BN led to Muhyiddin being replaced as prime minister by Ismail Sabri of BN.[16] After that, there was a leadership crisis within UMNO (under BN), which led to the earlier 2022 general election and the first-ever hung parliament in the country's history.[17][18] Anwar Ibrahim, a long-time reformist, became Malaysia's tenth prime minister on November 24, 2022, leading the country's first-ever grand coalition government.[19][20]
Prehistory[edit]
Stone hand axes from early hominoids, probably Homo erectus, have been unearthed in Lenggong. They date back 1.83 million years, one of the oldest pieces of evidence of hominid habitation in Southeast Asia.[21]
The earliest evidence of modern human habitation in Malaysia is the 40,000-year-old skull excavated from the Niah Caves in today's Sarawak, nicknamed "Deep Skull". It was excavated from a deep trench uncovered by Barbara and Tom Harrisson (a British ethnologist) in 1958.[22][23][24] This is also one of the oldest modern human skulls in Southeast Asia.[25] The skull most likely belonged to a girl between the ages of 16 and 17.[26] The first foragers visited the West Mouth of Niah Caves (located 110 kilometres (68 mi) southwest of Miri)[23] 40,000 years ago when Borneo was connected to the mainland of Southeast Asia. The landscape around the Niah Caves was drier and more exposed than it is now. Prehistorically, the Niah Caves were surrounded by a combination of closed forests with bush, parkland, swamps, and rivers. The foragers were able to survive in the rainforest through hunting, fishing, and gathering molluscs and edible plants.[26] Mesolithic and Neolithic burial sites have also been found in the area.[27] The area around the Niah Caves has been designated the Niah National Park.[28]
A study of Asian genetics points to the idea that the original humans in East Asia came from Southeast Asia.[29] The oldest complete skeleton found in Malaysia is an 11,000-year-old Perak Man unearthed in 1991.[30] The indigenous groups on the peninsula can be divided into three ethnicities, the Negritos, the Senoi, and the proto-Malays.[31] The first inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula were most probably Negritos.[32] These Mesolithic hunters were probably the ancestors of the Semang, an ethnic Negrito group who have a long history in the Malay Peninsula.[33]
The Senoi appear to be a composite group, with approximately half of the maternal mitochondrial DNA lineages tracing back to the ancestors of the Semang and about half to later ancestral migrations from Indochina. Scholars suggest they are descendants of early Austroasiatic-speaking agriculturalists, who brought both their language and their technology to the southern part of the peninsula approximately 4,000 years ago. They united and coalesced with the indigenous population.[34]
The Proto Malays have a more diverse origin[35] and had settled in Malaysia by 1000 BC as a result of Austronesian expansion.[36] Although they show some connections with other inhabitants in Maritime Southeast Asia, some also have an ancestry in Indochina around the time of the Last Glacial Maximum about 20,000 years ago. Anthropologists support the notion that the Proto-Malays originated from what is today Yunnan, China.[37] This was followed by an early-Holocene dispersal through the Malay Peninsula into the Malay Archipelago.[38] Around 300 BC, they were pushed inland by the Deutero-Malays, an Iron Age or Bronze Age people descended partly from the Chams of Cambodia and Vietnam. The first group in the peninsula to use metal tools, the Deutero-Malays were the direct ancestors of today's Malaysian Malays and brought with them advanced farming techniques.[33] The Malays remained politically fragmented throughout the Malay archipelago, although a common culture and social structure were shared.[39]
Early Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms[edit]
In the first millennium AD, Malay became the dominant ethnicity on the peninsula. The small early states that were established were greatly influenced by Indian culture, as was most of Southeast Asia.[41] Indian influence in the region dates back to at least the 3rd century BC. South Indian culture was spread to Southeast Asia by the South Indian Pallava dynasty in the 4th and 5th centuries.[42]
Trade with India and China[edit]
In ancient Indian literature, the term Suvarnadvipa (Golden Peninsula) is used in the Ramayana; some argue that this is a reference to the Malay Peninsula. The ancient Indian text Vayu Purana also mentions a place named Malayadvipa where gold mines may be found; this term may refer to Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula.[43] The Malay Peninsula was shown on Ptolemy's map as the Golden Chersonese. He referred to the Straits of Malacca as Sinus Sabaricus.[44]
Trade relations with China and India were established in the 1st century BC.[45] Shards of Chinese pottery have been found in Borneo dating from the 1st century following the southward expansion of the Han Dynasty.[46] In the early centuries of the first millennium, the people of the Malay Peninsula adopted the Indian religions of Hinduism and Buddhism, which had a major effect on the language and culture of those living in Malaysia.[47] The Sanskrit writing system was used as early as the 4th century.[48]
Early Kingdoms (3rd–7th centuries)[edit]
There were numerous Malay kingdoms in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, as many as 30, mainly based on the eastern side of the Malay peninsula.[41] Among the earliest kingdoms known to have been based in the Malay Peninsula is the ancient kingdom of Langkasuka, located in the northern Malay Peninsula and based somewhere on the west coast.[41] It was closely tied to Funan in Cambodia, which also ruled parts of northern Malaysia until the 6th century. In the 5th century, the Kingdom of Pahang was mentioned in the Book of Song. According to the Sejarah Melayu ("Malay Annals"), the Khmer prince Raja Ganji Sarjuna founded the kingdom of Gangga Negara (modern-day Beruas, Perak) in the 8th century. Chinese chronicles of the 5th century speak of a great port in the south called Guantoli, which is thought to have been in the Straits of Malacca. In the 7th century, a new port called Shilifoshi is mentioned, and this is believed to be a Chinese rendering of Srivijaya.[citation needed]
Gangga Negara[edit]
Gangga Negara is believed to be a lost semi-legendary Hindu kingdom mentioned in the Malay Annals that covered present-day Beruas, Dinding and Manjung in the state of Perak, Malaysia with Raja Gangga Shah Johan as one of its kings. Gangga Negara means "a city on the Ganges" in Sanskrit,[49] the name derived from Ganganagar in northwest India where the Kambuja peoples inhabited.[citation needed] Researchers believe that the kingdom was centred at Beruas. Another Malay annal Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa known as Kedah Annals, Gangga Negara may have been founded by Merong Mahawangsa's son Raja Ganji Sarjuna of Kedah, allegedly a descendant of Alexander the Great or by the Khmer royalties no later than the 2nd century.[citation needed]
The first research into the Beruas kingdom was conducted by Colonel James Low in 1849 and a century later, by H.G. Quaritch Wales. According to the Museum and Antiquities Department, both researchers agreed that the Gangga Negara kingdom existed between the 1st–11th century but could not ascertain the exact site.[50] For years, villagers had unearthed artefacts believed to be from the ancient kingdoms, most of which are at present displayed at the Beruas Museum. Artefacts on display include a 128 kg cannon, swords, kris, coins, tin ingots, pottery from the Ming Dynasty and various eras, and large jars. They can be dated back to the 5th and 6th centuries.[51]
Old Kedah[edit]
Ptolemy, a Greek geographer, had written about the Golden Chersonese, which indicated that trade with India and China had existed since the 1st century AD.[52]
As early as the 1st century AD, the coastal city-states that existed had a network which encompassed the southern part of the Indochinese peninsula and the western part of the Malay archipelago. These coastal cities had ongoing trade as well as tributary relations with China, at the same time being in constant contact with Indian traders. They seem to have shared a common indigenous culture.[citation needed]
Gradually, the rulers of the western part of the archipelago adopted Indian cultural and political models e.g. proof of such Indian influence on Indonesian art in the 5th century. Three inscriptions found in Palembang (South Sumatra) and on Bangka Island, written in the form of Malay and in alphabets derived from the Pallava script, are proof that the archipelago had adopted Indian models while maintaining their indigenous language and social system. These inscriptions reveal the existence of a Dapunta Hyang (lord) of Srivijaya who led an expedition against his enemies and who curses those who will not obey his law.[citation needed]
Being on the maritime route between China and South India, the Malay peninsula was involved in this trade The Bujang Valley, being strategically located at the northwest entrance of the Strait of Malacca as well as facing the Bay of Bengal, was continuously frequented by Chinese and south Indian traders. Such was proven by the discovery of trade ceramics, sculptures, inscriptions and monuments dated from the 5th to 14th century.[citation needed]
In Kedah, there are remains showing Buddhist and Hindu influences which have been known for about a century from the discoveries reported by Col. Low and has recently been subjected to a fairly exhaustive investigation by Quaritch Wales. Wales investigated no fewer than 30 sites around Kedah.[53]
An inscribed stone bar, rectangular in shape, bears the ye-dharmma formula in the Pallava script of the 7th century, thus proclaiming the Buddhist character of the shrine, of which only the basement survives. It is inscribed on three faces in the Pallava script of the 6th century, possibly earlier.[citation needed]
Srivijaya (7th–13th century)[edit]
Between the 7th and the 13th century, much of the Malay peninsula was under the Buddhist Srivijaya empire. The site Prasasti Hujung Langit, which sat at the centre of Srivijaya's empire, is thought to be at a river mouth in eastern Sumatra, based near what is now Palembang, Indonesia.[54] For over six centuries the Maharajahs of Srivijaya ruled a maritime empire that became the main power in the archipelago. The empire was based around trade, with local kings (dhatus or community leaders) that swore allegiance to a lord for mutual profit.[55] In 1025, the Chola dynasty captured Palembang, the king and all members of his family, including courtiers and took all his wealth; by the end of the 12th century Srivijaya had been reduced to a kingdom, with the last ruler in 1288, Queen Sekerummong who had been conquered was overthrown by four pious people which became a milestone in the establishment of the Kingdom of Sekala Brak in Gedung Dalom Batu Brak, Liwa, West Lampung Regency which was based on Islamic religious values on 29 Rajab 688 AH. Majapahit, a subordinate to Srivijaya, soon dominated the regional political scene.[56]
Relations with the Chola empire[edit]
The relation between Srivijaya and the Chola Empire of south India was friendly during the reign of Raja Raja Chola I but during the reign of Rajendra Chola I the Chola Empire invaded Srivijaya cities (see Chola invasion of Srivijaya).[57] In 1025 and 1026, Gangga Negara was attacked by Rajendra Chola I of the Chola Empire, the Tamil emperor who is now thought to have laid Kota Gelanggi to waste. Kedah (known as Kadaram in Tamil) was invaded by the Cholas in 1025. A second invasion was led by Virarajendra Chola of the Chola dynasty who conquered Kedah in the late 11th century.[58] The senior Chola's successor, Vira Rajendra Chola, had to put down a Kedah rebellion to overthrow other invaders. The coming of the Chola reduced the majesty of Srivijaya, which had exerted influence over Kedah, Pattani and as far as Ligor. During the reign of Kulothunga Chola I, Chola overlordship was established over the Srivijaya province Kedah in the late 11th century.[59] The expedition of the Chola Emperors had such a great impression on the Malay people of the medieval period that their name was mentioned in the corrupted form as Raja Chulan in the medieval Malay chronicle Sejarah Melaya.[60][61][62] Even today, the Chola rule is remembered in Malaysia as many Malaysian princes have names ending with Cholan or Chulan, one such was the Raja of Perak called Raja Chulan.[63][64]
Pattinapalai, a Tamil poem of the 2nd century AD, describes goods from Kedaram heaped in the broad streets of the Chola capital. A 7th-century Indian drama, Kaumudhimahotsva, refers to Kedah as Kataha-Nagari. The Agni purana also mentions a territory known as Anda-Kataha with one of its boundaries delineated by a peak, which scholars believe is Gunung Jerai. Stories from the Katasaritasagaram describe the elegance of life in Kataha. The Buddhist kingdom of Ligor took control of Kedah shortly after. Its king Chandrabhanu used it as a base to attack Sri Lanka in the 11th century and ruled the northern parts, an event noted in a stone inscription in Nagapattinum in Tamil Nadu and the Sri Lankan chronicles, Mahavamsa.[citation needed]
Decline and breakup of Srivijaya[edit]
At times, the Khmer Kingdom, the Siamese Kingdom, and even Cholas Kingdom tried to exert control over the smaller Malay states.[41] The power of Srivijaya declined from the 12th century as the relationship between the capital and its vassals broke down. Wars with the Javanese caused it to request assistance from China, and wars with Indian states are also suspected. In the 11th century, the centre of power shifted to Malayu, a port possibly located further up the Sumatran coast near the Jambi River.[55] The power of the Buddhist Maharajas was further undermined by the spread of Islam. Areas which were converted to Islam early, such as Aceh, broke away from Srivijaya's control. By the late 13th century, the Siamese kings of Sukhothai had brought most of Malaya under their rule. In the 14th century, the Hindu Majapahit Empire came into possession of the peninsula.[54]
An excavation by Tom Harrisson in 1949 unearthed a series of Chinese ceramics at Santubong (near Kuching) that date to the Tang and Song dynasties. It is possible that Santubong was an important seaport in Sarawak during the period, but its importance declined during the Yuan dynasty, and the port was deserted during the Ming dynasty.[65] Other archaeological sites in Sarawak can be found inside the Kapit, Song, Serian and Bau districts of Sarawak.[66]
According to the Malay Annals, a new ruler named Sang Sapurba was promoted as the new paramount of the Srivijayan mandala. It was said that after he acceded to Seguntang Hill with his two younger brothers, Sang Sapurba entered into a sacred covenant with Demang Lebar Daun, the native ruler of Palembang.[67] The newly installed sovereign afterwards descended from the hill of Seguntang into the great plain of the Musi River, where he married Wan Sendari, the daughter of the local chief, Demang Lebar Daun. Sang Sapurba was said to have reigned in Minangkabau lands.
In 1324, a Srivijaya prince, Sang Nila Utama founded the Kingdom of Singapura (Temasek). According to tradition, he was related to Sang Sapurba. He maintained control over Temasek for 48 years. He was recognized as ruler over Temasek by an envoy of the Chinese Emperor sometime around 1366. He was succeeded by his son Paduka Sri Pekerma Wira Diraja (1372–1386) and grandson, Paduka Seri Rana Wira Kerma (1386–1399). In 1401, the last ruler, Paduka Sri Maharaja Parameswara, was expelled from Temasek by forces from Majapahit or Ayutthaya. He later headed north and founded the Sultanate of Malacca in 1402.[68]: 245–246 The Sultanate of Malacca succeeded the Srivijaya Empire as a Malay political entity in the archipelago.[69][70]
Rise of Muslim states[edit]
Islam came to the Malay Archipelago through the Arab and Indian traders in the 13th century, ending the age of Hinduism and Buddhism.[71] It arrived in the region gradually and became the religion of the elite before it spread to the commoners. The syncretic form of Islam in Malaysia was influenced by previous religions and was originally not orthodox.[41]
Malaccan Sultanate[edit]
Establishment[edit]
The port of Malacca on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula was founded in 1400 by Parameswara, a Srivijayan prince fleeing Temasek (now Singapore),[41] Parameswara in particular sailed to Temasek to escape persecution. There he came under the protection of Temagi, a Malay chief from Patani who was appointed by the king of Siam as regent of Temasek. Within a few days, Parameswara killed Temagi and appointed himself regent. Some five years later he had to leave Temasek, due to threats from Siam. During this period, a Javanese fleet from Majapahit attacked Temasek.[citation needed]
Parameswara headed north to find a new settlement. At Muar, Parameswara considered siting his new kingdom at either Biawak Busuk or Kota Buruk. Finding that the Muar location was not suitable, he continued his journey northwards. Along the way, he reportedly visited Sening Ujong (former name of present-day Sungai Ujong) before reaching a fishing village at the mouth of the Bertam River (former name of the Melaka River) and founded what would become the Malacca Sultanate. Over time this developed into modern-day Malacca Town. According to the Malay Annals, here Parameswara saw a mouse deer outwitting a dog resting under a Malacca tree. Taking this as a good omen, he decided to establish a kingdom called Malacca. He built and improved facilities for trade. The Malacca Sultanate is commonly considered the first independent state in the peninsula.[72]
In 1404, the first official Chinese trade envoy led by Admiral Yin Qing arrived in Malacca. Later, Parameswara was escorted by Zheng He and other envoys on his successful visits. Malacca's relationships with Ming granted protection to Malacca against attacks from Siam and Majapahit and Malacca officially submitted as a protectorate of Ming China. This encouraged the development of Malacca into a major trade settlement on the trade route between China and India, the Middle East, Africa and Europe.[74] To prevent the Malaccan empire from falling to the Siamese and Majapahit, he forged a relationship with the Ming dynasty of China for protection.[75][76] Following the establishment of this relationship, the prosperity of the Malacca entrepôt was then recorded by the first Chinese visitor, Ma Huan, who travelled together with Admiral Zheng He.[77][73] In Malacca during the early 15th century, Ming China actively sought to develop a commercial hub and a base of operation for their treasure voyages into the Indian Ocean.[78] Malacca had been a relatively insignificant region, not even qualifying as a polity prior to the voyages according to both Ma Huan and Fei Xin, and was a vassal region of Siam.[78] In 1405, the Ming court dispatched Admiral Zheng He with a stone tablet enfeoffing the Western Mountain of Malacca as well as an imperial order elevating the status of the port to a country.[78] The Chinese also established a government depot (官廠) as a fortified cantonment for their soldiers.[78] Ma Huan reported that Siam did not dare to invade Malacca thereafter.[78] The rulers of Malacca, such as Parameswara in 1411, would pay tribute to the Chinese emperor in person.[78]
The emperor of Ming dynasty China was sending out fleets of ships to expand trade. Admiral Zheng He called at Malacca and brought Parameswara with him on his return to China, a recognition of his position as the legitimate ruler of Malacca. In exchange for regular tribute, the Chinese emperor offered Melaka protection from the constant threat of a Siamese attack. Because of its strategic location, Malacca was an important stopping point for Zheng He's fleet.[79] Due to Chinese involvement, Malacca had grown as a key alternative to other important and established ports.[a] The Chinese and Indians who settled in the Malay Peninsula before and during this period are the ancestors of today's Baba-Nyonya and Chitty communities. According to one theory, Parameswara became a Muslim when he married a Princess of Pasai and he took the fashionable Persian title "Shah", calling himself Iskandar Shah.[76] Chinese chronicles mention that in 1414, the son of the first ruler of Malacca visited the Ming emperor to inform them that his father had died. Parameswara's son was then officially recognised as the second ruler of Melaka by the Chinese Emperor and styled Raja Sri Rama Vikrama, Raja of Parameswara of Temasek and Malacca and he was known to his Muslim subjects as Sultan Sri Iskandar Zulkarnain Shah (Megat Iskandar Shah). He ruled Malacca from 1414 to 1424.[80] Through the influence of Indian Muslims and, to a lesser extent, Hui people from China, Islam became increasingly common during the 15th century.
Rise of Malacca[edit]
After an initial period paying tribute to the Ayutthaya,[41] the kingdom rapidly assumed the place previously held by Srivijaya, establishing independent relations with China, and exploiting its position dominating the Straits to control the China-India maritime trade, which became increasingly important when the Mongol conquests closed the overland route between China and the west.
Within a few years of its establishment, Malacca officially adopted Islam. Parameswara became a Muslim, and because Malacca was under a Muslim prince, the conversion of Malays to Islam accelerated in the 15th century.[54] The political power of the Malacca Sultanate helped Islam's rapid spread through the archipelago. Malacca was an important commercial centre during this time, attracting trade from around the region.[54] By the start of the 16th century, with the Malacca Sultanate in the Malay peninsula and parts of Sumatra,[81] the Demak Sultanate in Java,[82] and other kingdoms around the Malay archipelago increasingly converting to Islam,[83] it had become the dominant religion among Malays, and reached as far as the modern-day Philippines, leaving Bali as an isolated outpost of Hinduism today. The government in Malacca was based on the feudal system.[84]
Malacca's reign lasted little more than a century, but during this time became the established centre of Malay culture. Most future Malay states originated from this period.[71] Malacca became a cultural centre, creating the matrix of the modern Malay culture: a blend of indigenous Malay and imported Indian, Chinese and Islamic elements. Malacca's fashions in literature, art, music, dance and dress, and the ornate titles of its royal court, came to be seen as the standard for all ethnic Malays. The court of Malacca also gave great prestige to the Malay language, which had originally evolved in Sumatra and been brought to Malacca at the time of its foundation. In time Malay came to be the official language of all the Malaysian states, although local languages survived in many places. After the fall of Malacca, the Sultanate of Brunei became the major centre of Islam.[85][86]
16th–17th century politics in Malaya[edit]
From the 15th century onwards, the Portuguese started seeking a maritime route towards Asia. In 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque led an expedition to Malaya which seized Malacca with the intent of using it as a base for activities in Southeast Asia.[41] This was the first colonial claim on what is now Malaysia.[54] The son of the last Sultan of Malacca, Alauddin Riayat Shah II fled to the southern tip of the peninsula, where he founded a state that which became the Sultanate of Johor in 1528.[41] Another son established the Perak Sultanate to the north. By the late 16th century, the tin mines of northern Malaya had been discovered by European traders, and Perak grew wealthy on the proceeds of tin exports.[55] Portuguese influence was strong, as they aggressively tried to convert the population of Malacca to Catholicism.[41] In 1571, the Spanish captured Manila and established a colony in the Philippines, reducing the Sultanate of Brunei's power.[86]
After the fall of Malacca to Portugal, the Johor Sultanate on the southern Malay peninsula and the Sultanate of Aceh on northern Sumatra moved to fill the power vacuum left behind.[41] The three powers struggled to dominate the Malay peninsula and the surrounding islands.[55] Meanwhile, the importance of the Strait of Malacca as an east–west shipping route was growing, while the islands of Southeast Asia were themselves prized sources of natural resources (metals, spices, etc.) whose inhabitants were being further drawn in the global economy.
In 1607, the Sultanate of Aceh rose as the most powerful and wealthiest state in the Malay archipelago. Under Sultan Iskandar Muda's reign, the sultanate's control was extended over a number of Malay states. A notable conquest was Perak, a tin-producing state on the Peninsula.[55] During the Battle of Duyon River, Iskandar Muda's disastrous campaign against Malacca in 1629, the combined Portuguese and Johor forces managed to destroy all the ships of his formidable fleet and 19,000 troops according to a Portuguese account.[87] Aceh forces were not destroyed, however, as Aceh was able to conquer Kedah within the same year and took many of its citizens to Aceh. The sultan's son-in-law, Iskandar Thani, the former prince of Pahang later became Iskandar Muda's successor.
In the early 17th century, the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, or VOC) was established. During this time the Dutch were at war with Spain. Backed by the Dutch, Johor established a loose hegemony over the Malay states, except Perak, which was able to play-off Johor against the Siamese to the north and retain its independence.[88] The Dutch did not interfere in local matters in Malacca, but at the same time diverted most trade to its colonies on Java.[41]
Johor Sultanate[edit]
Johor was part of the Malaccan Sultanate before the Portuguese conquered the port town of Malacca in 1511. At its height, the sultanate controlled modern-day Johor, several territories by the Klang and Linggi rivers, Singapore, Bintan, Riau, Lingga, Karimun, Bengkalis, Kampar and Siak in Sumatra.[89] The Portuguese and Johor were frequently in conflict in the 16th century, most notable of their conflicts was the 1587 siege of Johor. During the Triangular war, Aceh launched multiple raids against both Johor and Portuguese forces to tighten its grip over the straits. The rise and expansion of Aceh encouraged the Portuguese and Johor to sign a truce to divert their attention to Aceh. The truce, however, was short-lived and with Aceh severely weakened, Johor and the Portuguese had each other in their sights again. During the rule of Iskandar Muda, Aceh attacked Johor in 1613 and again in 1615.[90]
In the early 17th century, the Dutch reached Southeast Asia. At that time the Dutch were at war with the Portuguese and allied themselves to Johor. Two treaties were signed by Admiral Cornelis Matelief de Jonge on behalf of the Dutch Estates General and Raja Bongsu (Raja Seberang) of Johor in May and September 1606.[91] The combined Johor-Dutch forces ultimately failed to capture Malacca in 1606. Finally in 1641, the Dutch and Johor headed by Bendahara Skudai, defeated the Portuguese in the Battle of Malacca. The Dutch took control of Malacca and agreed not to seek territories or wage war with Johor. By the time the fortress at Malacca surrendered, the town's population had already been greatly decimated by famine and disease.[92]
With the fall of Portuguese Malacca in 1641 and the decline of Aceh due to the growing power of the Dutch, Johor started to re-establish itself as a power along the Straits of Malacca during the reign of Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah III (1623–1677).[93] Jambi emerged as a regional economic and political power in Sumatra. Initially there was an attempt of an alliance between Johor and Jambi by way of a promised marriage. However, the alliance broke down and the Johor-Jambi war (1666–1679) ensued between Johor and the Sumatran state. After the sacking of Batu Sawar in 1673, the capital of Johor was frequently moved to avoid the threat of attack from Jambi.[94] The sultan escaped to Pahang and died four years later. His successor, Sultan Ibrahim Shah (1677–1685), then engaged the help of the Bugis in the fight to defeat Jambi.[95] Johor would eventually prevail in 1679, but also ended in a weakened position as the Bugis refused to return to Makassar where they came from. On top of this, the Minangkabaus of Sumatra also started to assert their influence.[96]
In the 1690s the Bugis, who played an important role in defeating Jambi two decades earlier, had a major political influence in Johor. Both the Bugis and the Minangkabau realised how the death of Sultan Mahmud II in 1699 caused a power vacuum and allowed them to exert their power in Johor. The Minangkabau introduced a Minangkabau prince, Raja Kecil from Siak who claimed he was the posthumous son of Mahmud II. With the help of the Orang Laut, Raja Kecil then captured Riau in 1718, the then capital of the Johor Sultanate and installed himself as the new Johor Sultan, Jalil Rahmat Shah, without the knowledge of the Bugis. Dissatisfied with Raja Kecil's accession, Raja Sulaiman of Johor, asked Daeng Parani of the Bugis to aid him in his quest to reclaim the throne. In 1722, Raja Kecil was dethroned by Raja Sulaiman's supporters with the assistance of the Bugis. Raja Sulaiman became the new Johor Sultan, Sulaiman Badrul Alam Shah (1722–1760), but he was a weak ruler and became a puppet of the Bugis.[94] During the reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah III, the mid-to-late 18th century saw the Bugis in his government attempting to expand their influence in the region. This brought them into conflicts with the Dutch, which resulted in a final major battle in 1784 between the two, which ended Bugis and Johor dominance in the region.[97] This would be the final significant battle of the precolonial period.
Perak Sultanate[edit]
Based on the Perak Royal Genealogy ("Salasilah Raja-Raja Perak"), the Perak Sultanate was formed in the early 16th century on the banks of the Perak River by the eldest son of Mahmud Shah, the 8th Sultan of Malacca.[98][99][100] He ascended to the throne as Muzaffar Shah I, first sultan of Perak, after surviving the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese in 1511 and living quietly for a period in Siak, Sumatra. He became sultan through the efforts of Tun Saban, a local leader and trader between Perak and Klang.[99] There had been no sultans in Perak when Tun Saban first arrived in the area from Kampar in Sumatra.[101] Most of the area's residents were traders from Malacca, Selangor and Sumatra. Perak's administration became more organised after the Sultanate was established. With the opening up of Perak in the 16th century, the state became a source of tin ore. It appears that anyone was free to trade in the commodity, although the tin trade did not attract significant attention until the 1610s.[102][103]
Throughout the early 17th century, the Sultanate of Aceh subjected most parts of the Malay Peninsula to continual harassment.[104][97] Although Perak did fall under the authority of Aceh, it remained entirely independent of Siamese control for over two hundred years from 1612,[97][105] in contrast with its neighbour, Kedah, and other northern Malay sultanates.[106][107]
When the last and 9th Sultan of Perak of Malaccan lineage, Sallehuddin Riayat Shah died without an heir in 1635, a state of uncertainty prevailed in Perak. This was exacerbated by a deadly cholera epidemic that swept through the state, killing many royal family members.[99] Perak chieftains were left with no alternative but to turn to Iskandar Thani of Aceh, who sent his relative, Raja Sulong, to become the new Perak Sultan, Muzaffar Shah II.
Aceh's influence on Perak began to wane when the Dutch East India Company (VOC) arrived, in the mid–17th century.[108] When Perak refused to enter into a contract with the VOC as its northern neighbours had done, a blockade of the Perak River halted the tin trade, causing suffering among Aceh's merchants.[109] In 1650, Aceh's Sultana Taj ul-Alam ordered Perak to sign an agreement with the VOC, on condition that the tin trade would be conducted exclusively with Aceh's merchants.[98][109][110][111] By the following year, the VOC had secured a monopoly over the tin trade, setting up a store in Perak.[112] Following long competition between Aceh and the VOC over Perak's tin trade,[113] on 15 December 1653, the two parties jointly signed a treaty with Perak granting the Dutch exclusive rights to tin extracted from mines located in the state.[99][114]
In 1699, when Johor lost its last sultan of Malaccan lineage, Sultan Mahmud Shah II, Perak now had the sole claim of being the final heir of the old Sultanate of Malacca. However, Perak could not match the prestige and power of either the Malaccan or Johor Sultanates.[94] Perak endured 40 years of civil war in the early 18th century, where rival princes were bolstered by local chiefs, the Bugis and Minang, all fighting for a share of tin revenues. The Bugis and several Perak chiefs were successful in ousting the Perak ruler, Sultan Muzaffar Riayat Shah III in 1743. In 1747, he only held power in north Perak and signed a treaty with the Dutch Commissioner Ary Verbrugge, under which Perak's ruler recognised Dutch monopoly over the tin trade and agreed to sell all the tin ore to Dutch traders.[115]
Pahang Sultanate[edit]
The Old Pahang Sultanate centred in modern-day Pekan was established in the 15th century. At the height of its influence, the sultanate was an important power in Southeast Asian history and controlled the entire Pahang basin, bordering the Pattani Sultanate and the Johor Sultanate.[116] The sultanate had its origins as a vassal to the Malaccan Sultanate. Its first sultan was a Malaccan prince, Muhammad Shah, himself the grandson of Dewa Sura, the last pre-Malaccan ruler of Pahang.[116] Over the years, Pahang grew independent from Malaccan control and at one point even established itself as a rival state to Malacca until the latter's demise in 1511.[117] In 1528, when the last Malaccan sultan died, the sultan at the time, Mahmud Shah I joined forces with the Sultan of Johor, Alauddin Riayat Shah II, and began to expel the Portuguese from the Malay Peninsula. Two attempts were made in 1547 at Muar and in 1551 at Portuguese Malacca. However, in the face of superior Portuguese arms and vessels, the Pahang and Johor forces were forced to retreat on both occasions.
During the reign of Sultan Abdul Kadir (1560–1590), Pahang enjoyed a brief period of cordial relations with the Portuguese in the second half of the 17th century. However, in 1607, following a visit by Admiral Matelief de Jonge of the Dutch Empire, Pahang cooperated with them in an attempt to get rid of the Portuguese.[118] There was an attempt to establish a Johor-Pahang alliance to assist the Dutch. However, a quarrel erupted between Sultan Abdul Ghafur of Pahang and Alauddin Riayat Shah III of Johor. This resulted in Johor declaring war on Pahang in 1612. With the aid of Sultan Abdul Jalilul Akbar of Brunei, Pahang eventually defeated Johor in 1613. In 1615, the Acehnese Iskandar Muda invaded Pahang, forcing Alauddin Riayat Shah, son Abdul Ghafur to retreat into the interior of Pahang. He nevertheless continued to exercise some ruling powers. His reign in exile is considered to have officially end after the installation of a distant Johorean relative, Raja Bujang to the Pahang throne in 1615 with the support of the Portuguese.[118] However, he was eventually deposed in the Acehnese invasion of 1617, but restored to the Pahang throne and also installed as the new Sultan of Johor following the death of his uncle, Sultan Abdullah Ma'ayat Shah in 1623. This event led to the union of the crown of Pahang and Johor, and the formal establishment of Pahang-ruled Johor.[118]
Selangor Sultanate[edit]
During the 17th century Johor-Jambi war, the Sultan of Johor engaged the help of Bugis mercenaries from Sulawesi to fight against Jambi.[95] After Johor won in 1679, the Bugis decided to stay and asserted their power in the region.[96] Many Bugis began to migrate and settled along the coast of Selangor such as the estuaries of the Selangor and Klang rivers. Some Minangkabaus may have also settled in Selangor by the 17th century, perhaps earlier.[119] The Bugis and the Minangkabaus from Sumatra struggled for control of Johor. Raja Kecil, backed by the Minangkabaus, invaded Selangor but were driven off by the Bugis in 1742. To establish a power base, the Bugis led by Raja Salehuddin founded the present hereditary Selangor Sultanate with its capital at Kuala Selangor in 1766.[120] Selangor is unique as its the only state on the Malay Peninsula that was founded by the Bugis.[121]
Brunei Sultanate[edit]
Before its conversion to Islam, the oldest records of Brunei in Arabic sources defined it as "Sribuza" which was a Bornean Vassal-State to Srivijaya.[122] The Arabic author Ya'qubi writing in the 9th century recorded that the kingdom of Musa (probably referring to Brunei) was in alliance with the kingdom of Mayd (either Ma-i or Madja-as in the Philippines), against the Tang dynasty.[123]
One of the earliest Chinese records of an independent kingdom in Borneo was the 977 letter to the Song dynasty emperor from the ruler of Boni (Brunei).[124] The Bruneians regained their independence from Srivijaya due to the onset of a Javanese-Sumatran war.[125] In 1225, the Chinese official Zhao Rukuo reported that Boni had 100 warships to protect its trade, and that there was great wealth in the kingdom.[126] In the 14th century, a Chinese annal (Yuan Dade Nanhai zhi) reported that Boni invaded or administered Sabah, some parts of Sarawak and ruled the kingdoms of Butuan, Sulu and Mayd, as well as Malilu and Wenduling in present-day Manila and Mindanao, at northern and southern Philippines, respectively. Later, the Sulu kingdom invaded and occupied ports in Boni-ruled Sabah. They were later evicted with the help of the Majapahit Empire, which Brunei became a vassal to in the late 14th century. Nevertheless the Sulus stole 2 Sacred Pearls from the Brunei king.[127][128]
By the 15th century, the empire became a Muslim state, when the king of Brunei converted to Islam, brought Muslim Indians and Arab merchants from other parts of Maritime Southeast Asia, who came to trade and spread Islam.[129][130] During the rule of Bolkiah, the fifth sultan, the empire controlled the coastal areas of northwest Borneo and reached the Philippines at Seludong (present-day Manila), the Sulu Archipelago and some parts of Mindanao which Brunei had incorporated via royal intermarriage with the rulers of Sulu, Manila and Maguindanao.[131][132][133][134][135][136][137][138]
16th–18th century[edit]
In the 16th century, the Brunei empire's influence also extended as far as Kapuas River delta in West Kalimantan. Other sultanates in the area had close relations with the Brunei Monarchy, being in some cases effectively under the hegemony of the Brunei ruling family for periods of time, such as the Malay sultans of Pontianak, Samarinda and Banjarmasin. The Malay Sultanate of Sambas (present-day West Kalimantan), the Sultanate of Sulu and the Muslim Rajahs of precolonial Manila had developed dynastic relations with the royal house of Brunei. The Sultanate of Sarawak (covering present day Kuching, known to the Portuguese cartographers as Cerava, and one of the five great seaports on the island of Borneo), though under the influence of Brunei, was self-governed under Sultan Tengah before being fully integrated into the Bruneian Empire upon sultan Tengah's death in 1641.[139][140][141]
The Bruneian empire began to decline during the arrival of western powers. Spain sent several expeditions from Mexico to invade and colonise Brunei's territories in the Philippines. Eventually the Spanish, their Visayan allies and their Latin-American recruits assaulted Brunei itself during the Castilian War. Though there were rapes, sacks and pillaging, the invasion was only temporary as the Spanish retreated.[142] However, Brunei was unable to regain the territory it lost in the Philippines, yet it still maintained sway in Borneo. The Bruneian-descended aristocracy of Manila was deported to Guerrero, Mexico.[143] The city of Guerrero later became a center of the Mexican War of Independence against Spain.[144]
19th century[edit]
By the early 19th century, Sarawak had become a loosely governed territory under the control of the Brunei Sultanate. The Brunei had authority only along the coastal regions of Sarawak held by semi-independent Malay leaders. Meanwhile, the interior of Sarawak suffered from tribal wars fought by Iban, Kayan, and Kenyah peoples, who aggressively fought to expand their territories.[145]
Following the discovery of antimony ore in the Kuching region, Pangeran Indera Mahkota (a representative of the Sultan of Brunei) began to develop the territory between 1824 and 1830. When antimony production increased, the Brunei Sultanate demanded higher taxes from Sarawak; this led to civil unrest and chaos.[146] In 1839, Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II (1827–1852), ordered his uncle the Pengiran Muda Hashim to restore order. It was around this time that James Brooke arrived in Sarawak, and Pengiran Muda Hashim requested his assistance in the matter, but Brooke refused.[147] However, he agreed to a further request during his next visit to Sarawak in 1840. On 24 September 1841, Pengiran Muda Hashim agreed to depose Pangeran Indera Mahkota and bestow the title of governor on James Brooke. This appointment was later confirmed by the Sultan of Brunei in 1842.[148]
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Interactions with Kingdoms in the Philippines[edit]
In the precolonial era, the Kedatuan of Madja-as, which was founded by datus from the collapsing Srivijaya Empire (which had extended to Brunei), was a rump state of Srivijaya in the Visayas.[149] The rajah whom the datus warred against was Rajah Makatunao and British historian Robert Nicholl linked him with the Rajah Tugau of the Melano kingdom in present-day Sarawak. The first sultan of the Philippine Sultanate of Maguindanao was also the Arab-Malay Sharif Kabungsuwan, who was born in what is now the Malaysian state of Johor.
Precolonial Malaysia had Filipino immigrants, some of whom were called Luzones and they had administrative positions and commercial networks, as in the case of Regimo Diraja who was a Temenggong in the Sultanate of Malacca.[150] Besides him, another Filipino, Surya Diraja who was a shipping magnate based in Malacca had sent 175 tons of pepper to China annually.[151] There were lively commercial and population exchanges between what is now the Philippines and Malaysia during the precolonial period. Generally, Malays and Filipinos had good relations, however Fernando Pinto noted that at Mjmjam (Perak),[152] two separate settlements of Luzones and Malays were in rivalry with each other.[153] Likewise, many Muslim settlers and traders from Malacca had encountered conflicts with the Animist and Hindu Luzones, when they settled in the Philippines.[153] The onset of Western colonization broke the trade and political links between the Malay sultanates and the Philippine nations.
Struggles for hegemony[edit]
The weakness of the small coastal Malay states led to the immigration of the Bugis, escaping from Dutch colonisation of Sulawesi, who established numerous settlements on the peninsula which they used to interfere with Dutch trade.[41] They seized control of Johor following the assassination of the last Sultan of the old Melaka royal line in 1699.[citation needed] Bugis expanded their power in the states of Johor, Kedah, Perak, and Selangor.[41] The Minangkabau from central Sumatra migrated into Malaya, and eventually established their own state in Negeri Sembilan. The fall of Johor left a power vacuum on the Malay Peninsula which was partly filled by the Siamese kings of the Ayutthaya Kingdom, who made the five northern Malay states—Kedah, Kelantan, Patani, Perlis, and Terengganu—their vassals.
The economic importance of Malaya to Europe grew rapidly during the 18th century. The fast-growing tea trade between China and United Kingdom increased the demand for high-quality Malayan tin, which was used to line tea-chests. Malayan pepper also had a high reputation in Europe, while Kelantan and Pahang had gold mines. The growth of tin and gold mining and associated service industries led to the first influx of foreign settlers into the Malay world – initially Arabs and Indians, later Chinese.[citation needed]
Siamese expansion into Malaya[edit]
Kedah[edit]
After the Fall of Ayutthaya in 1767, the Northern Malay Sultanates were freed from Siamese domination temporarily. In 1786, British trader Francis Light managed to obtain a lease of Penang Island from Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah on behalf of East India Company in exchange for military support against the Siamese or Burmese. However, Siam re-exerted control over Northern Malay Sultanates and sacked Pattani. Francis Light, however, failed to secure military assistance for the Malay states against Siam and Kedah came under Siamese suzerainty. King Rama II of Siam ordered Noi Na Nagara of Ligor to invade Kedah Sultanate in 1821. Under the Burney Treaty of 1826, the exiled Kedah Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah was not restored to his throne. He and his armed supporters then fought in a series of war known as Perang Musuh Bisik for his restoration over twelve years (1830–1842).[154]
When the Siamese army invaded and occupied Kedah between 1821 and 1842, local Arab families supported the Sultan's efforts to lead resistance efforts to persuade the Siamese to regain the state's independence. In 1842, Sultan Mukarram Shah finally agreed to accept Siamese terms and was restored to his throne of Kedah. The following year, Sayyid Hussein Jamal Al-Layl was installed by the Siamese as the first Raja of Perlis, after the Sultan of Kedah gave his endorsement for the formation of Perlis, Siam separated Perlis into a separate principality directly vassal to Bangkok.[155]
Kelantan and Terengganu[edit]
Around 1760, Long Yunus, an aristocratic warlord of Patani origin succeeded in unifying the territory of present-day Kelantan and was succeeded in 1795 by his son-in-law, Tengku Muhammad Sultan Mansur of Terengganu. The enthronement of Tengku Muhammad by a noble from Terengganu was opposed by Long Yunus' sons, thus triggering a war against Terengganu by Long Muhammad, the eldest son of Long Yunus. The pro-Terengganu faction was defeated in 1800 and Long Muhammad ruled Kelantan with the new title of Sultan as Sultan Muhammad I. Terengganu experienced stability under the reign of Sultan Omar Riayat Shah, who was remembered as a devout ruler who promoted trade and stable government. Under Thai rule, Terengganu prospered, and was largely left alone by the authorities in Bangkok.[97] However, in the Burney Treaty of 1826, the treaty acknowledged Siamese claims over several northern Malay states Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, Terengganu—the future Unfederated Malay States—and Patani. The treaty further guaranteed British possession of Penang and their rights to trade in Kelantan and Terengganu without Siamese interference. Unfortunately, the five Malay-ethnic states were not represented in the treaty negotiation. In 1909 the parties of the agreement signed a new treaty that superseded the Burney Treaty and transferred four of the five Malay states from Siamese to British control, except for Patani.[156][157] As Patani was not included in the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 and remained under Siamese rule, this led Patani to be excluded from the Federation of Malaya in 1957.
British influence[edit]
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English traders first visited the Malay Peninsula in the 16th century.[158] Before the mid-19th-century British interests in the region were predominantly economic, with little interest in territorial control. Already the strongest European power in India, the British were looking towards southeast Asia for new territories.[41] The growth of the China trade in British ships increased the East India Company's desire for bases in the region. Various islands were used for this purpose, but the first permanent acquisition was Penang, leased from the Sultan of Kedah in 1786.[159] This was followed soon after by the leasing of a block of territory on the mainland opposite Penang (known as Province Wellesley). In 1795, during the Napoleonic Wars, the British with the consent of the French-occupied Netherlands occupied Dutch Melaka to forestall possible French encroachment in the area.[54]
When Malacca was handed back to the Dutch in 1818,[160] the British governor, Stamford Raffles, looked for an alternative base, and in 1819 he acquired Singapore from the Sultan of Johor.[161] The exchange of the British colony of Bencoolen for Malacca with the Dutch left the British as the sole colonial power on the peninsula.[41] The territories of the British were set up as free ports, attempting to break the monopoly held by the Dutch and French at the time, and making them large bases of trade. They allowed Britain to control all trade through the straits of Malacca.[41] British influence was increased by Malayan fears of Siamese expansionism, to which Britain made a useful counterweight.[citation needed] During the 19th century the Malay Sultans aligned themselves with the British Empire, due to the benefits of associations with the British and their fear of Siamese or Burmese incursions.[55]
In 1824, British control in Malaya (before the name Malaysia) was formalised by the Anglo-Dutch Treaty, which divided the Malay archipelago between Britain and the Netherlands. The Dutch evacuated Melaka[54] and renounced all interest in Malaya, while the British recognised Dutch rule over the rest of the East Indies. By 1846 the British controlled Penang, Malacca, Singapore, and the island of Labuan, which they established as the crown colony of the Straits Settlements,[41] administered first under the East India Company until 1867, when they were transferred to the Colonial Office in London.[55]
Colonial era[edit]
British in Malaya[edit]
Initially, the British followed a policy of non-intervention in relations between the Malay states.[55] The commercial importance of tin mining in the Malay states to merchants in the Straits Settlements led to infighting between the aristocracy on the peninsula. The destabilisation of these states damaged the commerce in the area, causing the British to start to intervene. The wealth of Perak's tin mines made political stability there a priority for British investors, and Perak was thus the first Malay state to agree to the supervision of a British resident.[41] The Royal Navy was employed to bring about a peaceful resolution to civil disturbances caused by Chinese and Malay gangs employed in a political fight between Ngah Ibrahim and Raja Muda Abdullah. The Pangkor Treaty of 1874 paved the way for the expansion of British influence in Malaya. The British concluded treaties with some Malay states, installing residents who advised the Sultans and soon became the de facto rulers of their states.[162] These advisors held power in everything except to do with Malay religion and customs.[41]
Johor was the sole remaining state to maintain its independence, by modernising and giving British and Chinese investors legal protection. By the turn of the 20th century, the states of Pahang, Selangor, Perak, and Negeri Sembilan, known together as the Federated Malay States, had British advisors.[41] In 1909 the Siamese kingdom was compelled to cede Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis and Terengganu, which already had British advisors, over to the British.[41] Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor and Queen Victoria were personal acquaintances who recognised each other as equals. It was not until 1914 that Sultan Abu Bakar's successor, Sultan Ibrahim, accepted a British adviser.[163] The four previously Thai states and Johor were known as the Unfederated Malay States. The states under the most direct British control developed rapidly, becoming the largest suppliers in the world of first tin, then rubber.[41]
By 1910, the pattern of British rule in the Malay lands was established. The Straits Settlements were a Crown colony, ruled by a governor under the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Their population was about roughly 50% Chinese-Malaysian, but all residents, regardless of race, were British subjects. The first four states to accept British residents, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang, were termed the Federated Malay States: while technically independent, they were placed under a Resident-General in 1895, making them British colonies in all but name. The Unfederated Malay States (Johore, Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, and Terengganu) had a slightly larger degree of independence, although they were unable to avoid listening the wishes of their residents for long. Johor, as Britain's closest ally in Malay affairs, had the privilege of a written constitution, which gave the Sultan the right to appoint his own Cabinet, but he was generally careful to consult the British first.[164]
British in Borneo[edit]
During the late 19th century the British also gained control of the north coast of Borneo, where Dutch rule had never been established. Development on the Peninsula and Borneo were generally separate until the 19th century.[165] The eastern part of this region (now Sabah) was under the nominal control of the Sultan of Sulu, who later became a vassal of the Spanish East Indies. The rest was the territory of the Sultanate of Brunei. In 1840, British adventurer James Brooke helped Raja Muda Hassim, the uncle of the Sultan of Brunei suppress a revolt, and in return received the title of Raja and the right to govern the Sarawak River District in 1841. In 1843, his title was recognised as hereditary, and the "White Rajahs" began ruling Sarawak as a de facto independent state in 1846. The Brookes expanded Sarawak at the expense of Brunei.[41]
In 1881, the British North Borneo Company was granted control of the territory of British North Borneo, appointing a governor and legislature. It was ruled from the office in London. Its status was similar to that of a British Protectorate, and like Sarawak it expanded at the expense of Brunei.[41] Until the Philippine independence in 1946, seven British-controlled islands in the north-eastern part of Borneo named Turtle Islands and Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi were ceded to the Philippine government by the Crown colony government of North Borneo.[166] The Philippines then under its irredentism motive since the administration of President Diosdado Macapagal laying claim to eastern Sabah in a basis the territory was part of the present-defunct Sultanate of Sulu's territory. In 1888, what was left of Brunei was made a British protectorate, and in 1891 another Anglo-Dutch treaty formalised the border between British and Dutch Borneo.
Race relations during colonial era[edit]
In the pre-colonial period and in the first few decades after the imposition of formal colonial rule in British Malaya, 'Malay' was not a racial or even a fixed identity in the modern sense of these terms.[167] The construct of race was imposed by the British on their colonial subjects.
Unlike some colonial powers, the British always saw their empire as an economic concern, and its colonies were expected to turn a profit for shareholders in London. The colonial capitalist ideas of development were largely based on unlimited greed for profit and the subordination of all other interests to this.[168] Initially, British colonisers were attracted by the Malay archipelago's tin and gold mines. But British planters soon began to experiment with tropical plantation crops—tapioca, gambier, pepper, and coffee. And, in 1877, the rubber plant was introduced from Brazil. Rubber soon became Malaya's staple export, stimulated by booming demand from European industry. Later, rubber was joined by palm oil as an export earner.[169] All these industries required a large labour force, so the British sent people from the longer-established British colony in India, consisting mainly of Tamil-speakers from South India, to work on plantations as indentured labourers.[170] A small group of Malabaris were brought from the current place called Kerala to help with the rubber plantations, resulting in the small Malabari population seen in Malaysia today. The mines, mills and docks also attracted a flood of immigrant workers from southern China. Soon towns like Singapore, Penang, and Ipoh were majority Chinese, as was Kuala Lumpur, founded as a tin-mining centre in 1857. By 1891, when Malaya's first census was taken, Perak and Selangor, the main tin-mining states, had Chinese majorities.[171]
Workers were often treated violently by contractors, and sickness was frequent. Many Chinese labourers' debts increased through addictions to opium and gambling, which earned the British colonial government significant revenue, while Indian labourers' debts were increased through addiction to drinking toddy. Workers' debts acquired in this way meant that they were tied to their labour contracts for much longer.[168]
Some Chinese immigrant workers were connected with networks of mutual aid societies (run by "Hui-Guan" 會館, or non-profit organisations with nominal geographic affiliations from different parts of China). In the 1890s Yap Ah Loy, who held the title of Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur, was the richest man in Malaya, owning a chain of mines, plantations and shops. Malaya's banking and insurance industries were run by the Chinese from the start, and Chinese businesses, usually in partnership with London firms, soon had complete control of the Malayan economy.[169] Chinese bankers also lent money to the Malay Sultans, which gave the Chinese political as well as economic leverage. At first the Chinese immigrants were mostly men, and many intended to return home when they had made their fortunes. Many did go home, but many more stayed. At first they married Malay women, producing a community of Sino-Malayans or baba people, but soon they began importing Chinese brides, establishing permanent communities and building schools and temples.[169]
An Indian commercial and professional class emerged during the early 20th century, but the majority of Indians remained poor and uneducated in rural ghettos in the rubber-growing areas.[169]
Traditional Malay society was greatly harmed by the loss of political sovereignty to the British colonisers. The Sultans, who were seen as collaborators with both the British and the Chinese, lost some of their traditional prestige, but the mass of rural Malays continued to revere the Sultans.[169] A small class of Malay nationalist intellectuals began to emerge during the early 20th century, and there was also a revival of Islam in response to the perceived threat of other imported religions, particularly Christianity. In fact few Malays converted to Christianity, although many Chinese did. The northern regions, which were less influenced by western ideas, became strongholds of Islamic conservatism, as they have remained.[169]
The British gave elite Malays positions in the police and local military units, as well as a majority of those administrative positions open to non-Europeans. While the Chinese mostly built and paid for their own schools and colleges, importing teachers from China, the British aimed to control the education of young Malay elites and establish colonial ideas of race and class hierarchies, so that elite subjects would wish to both run the country and serve their colonisers.[172] The colonial government opened Malay College in 1905 and created the Malay Administrative Service in 1910. (The college was dubbed "Bab ud-Darajat" – the Gateway to High Rank.)[169] A Malay Teachers College followed in 1922, and a Malay Women's Training College in 1935. All this reflected the official policy of the colonial administration that Malaya belonged to the Malays, and that the other races were but temporary residents. This view was increasingly out of line with reality, and resulted in the formation of resistance movements against British Colonial rule.[169]
The Malay teacher's college had lectures and writings that nurtured Malay nationalist sentiments. Due to this it is known as the birthplace of Malay nationalism.[173] In 1938, Ibrahim Yaacob, an alumnus of Sultan Idris College, established the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (Young Malays Union or KMM) in Kuala Lumpur. It was the first nationalist political organisation in British Malaya, advocating for the union of all Malays regardless of origin, and advocating for the cause of Malays separate from the Indians and Chinese. A specific ideal the KMM held was Panji Melayu Raya, which called for the unification of British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies.[173]
In the years before World War II, the colonial government were concerned with finding the balance between a centralised state and maintaining the power of the Sultans in Malaya.[55] There were no moves to give Malaya a unitary government, and in fact, in 1935 the position of Resident-General of the Federated States was abolished, and its powers decentralised to the individual states. The colonial government regarded the Chinese as clever but dangerous—and indeed during the 1920s and 1930s, reflecting events in China, the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang) and the Chinese Communist Party built rival clandestine organisations in Malaya, leading to regular disturbances in the Chinese towns. The colonial government saw no way that Malaya's disparate collection of states and races could become a single colony, let alone an independent nation.
World War II and the state of emergency[edit]
Although a belligerent as part of the British Empire, Malaya saw little action during World War I, except for the sinking of the Russian cruiser Zhemchug by the German cruiser SMS Emden on 28 October 1914 during the Battle of Penang.
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The outbreak of war in the Pacific in December 1941 found the British in Malaya completely unprepared. During the 1930s, anticipating the rising threat of Japanese naval power, they had built a great naval base at Singapore, but never anticipated an invasion of Malaya from the north. Because of the demands of the war in Europe, there was virtually no British air capacity in the Far East. The Japanese were thus able to attack from their bases in French Indo-China with impunity, and despite stubborn resistance from British, Australian, and Indian forces, they overran Malaya in two months. Singapore, with no landward defences, no air cover, and no water supply, was forced to surrender in February 1942. British North Borneo and Brunei were also occupied.
The Japanese colonial government regarded the Malays from a pan-Asian point of view, and fostered a limited form of Malay nationalism, which gained them some degree of collaboration from the Malay civil service and intellectuals (most of the Sultans also collaborated with the Japanese, although they maintained later that they had done so unwillingly).[citation needed] The Malay nationalist Kesatuan Melayu Muda, advocates of Melayu Raya, collaborated with the Japanese, based on the understanding that Japan would unite the Dutch East Indies, Malaya and Borneo and grant them independence.[174] The occupiers regarded the Chinese, however, as enemy aliens, and treated them with great harshness: during the so-called sook ching (purification through suffering), up to 80,000 Chinese in Malaya and Singapore were killed. Chinese businesses were expropriated and Chinese schools either closed or burned down. Not surprisingly the Chinese, led by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP), became the backbone of the Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), a force similar to the Soviet-supported Partisan rebel forces led by local Communist parties in the Eastern European theatre. With British assistance, the MPAJA became the most effective resistance force in the occupied Asian countries.
Although the Japanese argued that they supported Malay nationalism, they offended Malay nationalism by allowing their ally Thailand to re-annex the four northern states, Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan, and Terengganu that had been transferred to British Malaya in 1909. The loss of Malaya's export markets soon produced mass unemployment which affected all races and made the Japanese increasingly unpopular.[175]
During occupation, ethnic tensions were raised and nationalism grew.[176] The Malayans were thus on the whole glad to see the British back in 1945, but things could not remain as they were before the war, and a stronger desire for independence grew.[177] Britain was bankrupt and the new Labour government was keen to withdraw its forces from the East as soon as possible. Colonial self-rule and eventual independence were now British policy. The tide of Asian nationalism sweeping through Asia soon reached Malaya. But most Malays were more concerned with defending themselves against the MCP which was mostly made up of Chinese, than with demanding independence from the British; indeed, their immediate concern was that the British not leave and abandon the Malays to the armed Communists of the MPAJA, which was the largest armed force in the country.
In 1944, the British drew up plans for a Malayan Union, which would turn the Federated and Unfederated Malay States, plus Penang and Malacca (but not Singapore), into a single Crown colony, with a view towards independence. The Bornean territories and Singapore were left out as it was thought this would make union more difficult to achieve.[55] There was however strong opposition from the Malays, who opposed the weakening of the Malay rulers and the granting of citizenship to the ethnic Chinese and other minorities.[178] The British had decided on legalised equality between all races as they perceived the Chinese and Indians as more loyal to the British during the war than the Malays.[55] The Sultans, who had initially supported it, backed down and placed themselves at the head of the resistance.
In 1946, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was founded by Malay nationalists led by Dato Onn bin Jaafar, the Chief Minister of Johor.[55] UMNO favoured independence for Malaya, but only if the new state was run exclusively by the Malays. Faced with implacable Malay opposition, the British dropped the plan for equal citizenship. The Malayan Union was thus established in 1946, and was dissolved in 1948 and replaced by the Federation of Malaya, which restored the autonomy of the rulers of the Malay states under British protection.
Meanwhile, the Communists were moving towards open insurrection. The MPAJA had been disbanded in December 1945, and the MCP organised as a legal political party, but the MPAJA's arms were carefully stored for future use. The MCP policy was for immediate independence with full equality for all races. The Party's strength was in the Chinese-dominated trade unions, particularly in Singapore, and in the Chinese schools, where the teachers, mostly born in China, saw the Chinese Communist Party as the leader of China's national revival. In March 1947, reflecting the international Communist movement's "turn to left" as the Cold War set in, the MCP leader Lai Tek was purged and replaced by the veteran MPAJA guerrilla leader Chin Peng, who turned the party increasingly to direct action. These rebels, under the leadership of the MCP, launched guerrilla operations designed to force the British out of Malaya. In July, following a string of assassinations of plantation managers, the colonial government struck back, declaring a State of emergency, banning the MCP and arresting hundreds of its militants. The Party retreated to the jungle and formed the Malayan Peoples' Liberation Army, with about 13,000 men under arms, mostly ethnic Chinese.
The war was precipitated by the new constitution desired by Britain, which condemned about 90 percent of ethnic Chinese to non-citizenship, and by the eviction of poor peasants to make way for plantations. But although the war was long portrayed in most analyses by British authorities as a struggle against communism in a Cold War context, the MNLA received very little support from either the Soviet or Chinese communists. Rather, the main concern of British governments was to protect their commercial interests in the colony.[179]
The Malayan Emergency as it was known, lasted from 1948 to 1960 and involved a long anti-insurgency campaign by Commonwealth troops in Malaya. The British strategy, which proved ultimately successful, was to isolate the MCP from its support base by a combination of economic and political concessions to the Chinese and the resettlement of Chinese squatters into "New Villages", In reality, concentration camps,[179] in "white areas" free of MCP influence. From 1949 the MCP campaign lost momentum and the number of recruits fell sharply. Although the MCP succeeded in assassinating the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, in October 1951, this turn to terrorist tactics alienated many moderate Chinese from the Party. The arrival of Lt.-Gen Sir Gerald Templer as British commander in 1952 was the beginning of the end of the Emergency. Templer helped create the modern techniques of Counter-insurgency warfare in Malaya and applied them against the MCP guerillas. The war was accompanied by abuses on both sides. The most notorious atrocity was committed in the village of Batang Kali, north of the capital Kuala Lumpur, in December 1948, when the British army massacred 24 Chinese before burning the village to the ground.[179] Heavy bombers went to war, dropping thousands of 4,000-pound bombs on insurgent positions. Britain conducted 4,500 air strikes in the first five years of the conflict.[179] Although the insurgency was defeated Commonwealth troops remained with the backdrop of the Cold War against the Soviet Union.[180] Against this backdrop, independence for the Federation within the Commonwealth was granted on 31 August 1957,[181] with Tunku Abdul Rahman as the first prime minister.[54]
Emergence of Malaysia[edit]
Struggle for independent Malaysia[edit]
Chinese reaction against the MCP was shown by the formation of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) in 1949 as a vehicle for moderate Chinese political opinion. Its leader Tan Cheng Lock favoured a policy of collaboration with UMNO to win Malayan independence on a policy of equal citizenship, but with sufficient concessions to Malay sensitivities to ease nationalist fears. Tan formed a close collaboration with Tunku (Prince) Abdul Rahman, the Chief Minister of Kedah and from 1951 successor to Datuk Onn as leader of UMNO. Since the British had announced in 1949 that Malaya would soon become independent whether the Malayans liked it or not, both leaders were determined to forge an agreement their communities could live with as a basis for a stable independent state. The UMNO-MCA Alliance, which was later joined by the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), won convincing victories in local and state elections in both Malay and Chinese areas between 1952 and 1955.[182]
The introduction of elected local government was another important step in defeating the Communists. After Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, there was a split in the MCP leadership over the wisdom of continuing the armed struggle. Many MCP militants lost heart and went home, and by the time Templer left Malaya in 1954, the Emergency was over, although Chin Peng led a diehard group that lurked in the inaccessible country along the Thai border for many years.
During 1955 and 1956 UMNO, the MCA and the British hammered out a constitutional settlement for a principle of equal citizenship for all races. In exchange, the MCA agreed that Malaya's head of state would be drawn from the ranks of the Malay Sultans, that Malay would be the official language, and that Malay education and economic development would be promoted and subsidised. In effect, this meant that Malaya would be run by the Malays, particularly since they continued to dominate the civil service, the army and the police, but that the Chinese and Indians would have proportionate representation in the Cabinet and the parliament, would run those states where they were the majority, and would have their economic position protected. The difficult issue of who would control the Education system was deferred until after independence. This came on 31 August 1957, when Tunku Abdul Rahman became the first Prime Minister of independent Malaya.
This left the unfinished business of the other British-ruled territories in the region. After the Japanese surrender the Brooke family and the British North Borneo Company gave up their control of Sarawak and North Borneo respectively, and these became British Crown Colonies. They were much less economically developed than Malaya, and their local political leaderships were too weak to demand independence. Singapore, with its large Chinese majority, achieved autonomy in 1955, and in 1959 the young leader Lee Kuan Yew became Prime Minister. The Sultan of Brunei remained as a British client in his oil-rich enclave. Between 1959 and 1962 the British government orchestrated complex negotiations between these local leaders and the Malayan government.
On 24 April 1961, Lee Kuan Yew proposed the idea of forming Malaysia during a meeting to Tunku Abdul Rahman, after which Tunku invited Lee to prepare a paper elaborating on this idea. On 9 May, Lee sent the final version of the paper to Tunku and then deputy Malayan Prime Minister Abdul Razak. There were doubts about the practicality of the idea but Lee assured the Malayan government of continued Malay political dominance in the new federation. Razak supported the idea of the new federation and worked to convince Tunku to back it.[183] On 27 May 1961, Abdul Rahman proposed the idea of forming "Malaysia", which would consist of Brunei, Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak, and Singapore, all except Malaya still under British rule.[184][185][186] It was stated that this would allow the central government to better control and combat communist activities, especially in Singapore. It was also feared that if Singapore became independent, it would become a base for Chinese chauvinists to threaten Malayan sovereignty. The proposed inclusion of British territories besides Singapore was intended to keep the ethnic composition of the new nation similar to that of Malaya, with the Malay and indigenous populations of the other territories canceling out the Chinese majority in Singapore.[187]
Although Lee Kuan Yew supported the proposal, his opponents from the Singaporean Socialist Front (Barisan Sosialis) resisted, arguing that this was a ploy for the British to continue controlling the region. Most political parties in Sarawak were also against the merger, and in North Borneo, where there were no political parties, community representatives also stated their opposition. Although the Sultan of Brunei supported the merger, the Parti Rakyat Brunei opposed it as well. At the Commonwealth Prime Ministers Conference in 1961, Abdul Rahman explained his proposal further to its opponents. In October, he obtained agreement from the British government to the plan, provided that feedback be obtained from the communities involved in the merger.
The Cobbold Commission, named after its head, Lord Cobbold, conducted a study in the Borneo territories and approved a merger with North Borneo and Sarawak; however, it was found that a substantial number of Bruneians opposed merger. North Borneo drew up a list of points, referred to as the 20-point agreement, proposing terms for its inclusion in the new federation. Sarawak prepared a similar memorandum, known as the 18-point agreement. Some of the points in these agreements were incorporated into the eventual constitution, some were instead accepted orally. These memoranda are often cited by those who believe that Sarawak's and North Borneo's rights have been eroded over time. A referendum was conducted in Singapore to gauge opinion, and 70% supported merger with substantial autonomy given to the state government.[188][189] The Sultanate of Brunei withdrew from the planned merger due to opposition from certain segments of its population as well as arguments over the payment of oil royalties and the status of the sultan in the planned merger.[164][182][190][191] Additionally, the Bruneian Parti Rakyat Brunei staged an armed revolt, which, though it was put down, was viewed as potentially destabilising to the new nation.[192]
After reviewing the Cobbold Commission's findings, the British government appointed the Landsdowne Commission to draft a constitution for Malaysia. The eventual constitution was essentially the same as the 1957 constitution, albeit with some rewording; for instance, giving recognition to the special position of the natives of the Borneo States. North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore were also granted some autonomy unavailable to the states of Malaya. After negotiations in July 1963, it was agreed that Malaysia would come into being on 31 August 1963, consisting of Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak, and Singapore. The date was to coincide with the independence day of Malaya and the British giving self-rule to Sarawak and North Borneo. However, Indonesia and the Philippines strenuously objected to this development, with Indonesia claiming Malaysia represented a form of "neocolonialism" and the Philippines claiming North Borneo as its territory. The opposition from the Indonesian government led by Sukarno and attempts by the Sarawak United People's Party delayed the formation of Malaysia.[193] Due to these factors, an eight-member UN team was formed to re-ascertain whether North Borneo and Sarawak truly wanted to join Malaysia.[194][195] Malaysia formally came into being on 16 September 1963, consisting of Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak, and Singapore. In 1963 the total population of Malaysia was about 10 million.
Challenges of independence[edit]
At the time of independence, Malaya had great economic advantages. It was among the world's leading producers of three valuable commodities; rubber, tin, and palm oil, and was also a significant iron ore producer. These export industries gave the Malayan government a healthy surplus to invest in industrial development and infrastructure projects. Like other developing nations in the 1950s and 1960s, Malaya (and later Malaysia) placed great stress on state planning, although UMNO was never a socialist party. The First and Second Malayan Plans (1956–1960 and 1961–1965 respectively) stimulated economic growth through state investment in industry and repairing infrastructure such as roads and ports, which had been damaged and neglected during the war and the Emergency. The government was keen to reduce Malaya's dependence on commodity exports, which put the country at the mercy of fluctuating prices. The government was also aware that demand for natural rubber was bound to fall as the production and use of synthetic rubber expanded. Since a third of the Malay workforce worked in the rubber industry it was important to develop alternative sources of employment. Competition for Malaya's rubber markets meant that the profitability of the rubber industry increasingly depended on keeping wages low, which perpetuated rural Malay poverty.
Foreign objection[edit]
Both Indonesia and the Philippines withdrew their ambassadors from Malaya on 15 September 1963, the day before Malaysia's formation. In Jakarta the British and Malayan embassies were stoned, and the British consulate in Medan was ransacked with Malaya's consul taking refuge in the US consulate. Malaysia withdrew its ambassadors in response, and asked Thailand to represent Malaysia in both countries.[196]
Indonesian President Sukarno, backed by the powerful Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), chose to regard Malaysia as a "neocolonialist" plot against his country, and backed a Communist insurgency in Sarawak, mainly involving elements of the local Chinese community. Indonesian irregular forces were infiltrated into Sarawak, where they were contained by Malaysian and Commonwealth of Nations forces.[55] This period of Konfrontasi, an economic, political, and military confrontation lasted until the downfall of Sukarno in 1966.[54] The Philippines objected to the formation of the federation, claiming North Borneo was part of Sulu, and thus the Philippines.[55] In 1966 the new president, Ferdinand Marcos, dropped the claim, although it has since been revived and is still a point of contention marring Philippine–Malaysian relations.[197][unreliable source?][198] There is massive migration of Chavacanos (Spanish Creole speaking Peruvian-Filipinos from the brief rebel-state of the Republic of Zamboanga),[199] Tausugs, and Sama-Bajaus (Of the Sultanate of Sulu) from the Philippines to Sabah, Malaysia, especially at Semporna, due to them being refugees of the Moro conflict, a war in the Philippines which is primarily supported by the government of Malaysia.[200] This war was waged to counteract reconquest attempts from the Philippine Sultanate of Sulu. Among the Philippine armed attempts include the 2013 Lahad Datu standoff.[201]
Racial strife[edit]
The Depression of the 1930s, followed by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, had the effect of ending Chinese emigration to Malaya. This stabilised the demographic situation and ended the prospect of the Malays becoming a minority in their own country. At the time of independence in 1957, Malays comprised 55% of the population, Chinese 35% and Indians 10%.[citation needed] This balance was altered by the inclusion of the majority-Chinese Singapore, upsetting many Malays.[41] The federation increased the Chinese proportion to close to 40%. Both UMNO and the MCA were nervous about the possible appeal of Lee's People's Action Party (then seen as a radical socialist party) to voters in Malaya and tried to organise a party in Singapore to challenge Lee's position there. Lee in turn threatened to run PAP candidates in Malaya at the 1964 federal elections, despite an earlier agreement that he would not do so (see PAP–UMNO Relations). Racial tensions intensified as PAP created an opposition alliance aiming for equality between races.[55] This provoked Tunku Abdul Rahman to demand that Singapore withdraw from Malaysia. Despite last-ditch attempts by Singaporean leaders to keep Singapore as a part of the Federation, on 9 August 1965 the Malaysian Parliament voted 126–0 in favour of the expulsion of Singapore.[202]
The most vexed issues of independent Malaysia were education and the disparity of economic power among the ethnic communities. The Malays felt unhappy with the wealth of the Chinese community, even after the expulsion of Singapore. Malay political movements emerged based around this.[41] However, since there was no effective opposition party, these issues were contested mainly within the coalition government, which won all but one seat in the first post-independence Malayan Parliament. The two issues were related since the Chinese advantage in education played a large part in maintaining their control of the economy, which the UMNO leaders were determined to end. The MCA leaders were torn between the need to defend their own community's interests and the need to maintain good relations with UMNO. This produced a crisis in the MCA in 1959, in which a more assertive leadership under Lim Chong Eu defied UMNO over the education issue, only to be forced to back down when Tunku Abdul Rahman threatened to break up the coalition.
The Education Act of 1961 put UMNO's victory on the education issue into legislative form. Henceforward Malay and English would be the only teaching languages in secondary schools, and state primary schools would teach in Malay only. Although the Chinese and Indian communities could maintain their own Chinese and Tamil-language primary schools, all their students were required to learn Malay, and to study an agreed "Malayan curriculum". Most importantly, the entrance exam to the University of Malaya (which moved from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur in 1963) would be conducted in Malay, even though most teachings at the university was in English until the 1970s. This had the effect of excluding many Chinese students. At the same time, Malay schools were heavily subsidised, and Malays were given preferential treatment. This obvious defeat for the MCA greatly weakened its support in the Chinese community.
As in education, the UMNO government's unspoken agenda in the field of economic development aimed to shift economic power away from the Chinese and towards the Malays. The two Malayan Plans and the First Malaysian Plan (1966–1970) directed resources heavily into developments that would benefit the rural Malay community, such as village schools, rural roads, clinics, and irrigation projects. Several agencies were set up to enable Malay smallholders to upgrade their production and to increase their incomes. The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) helped many Malays to buy farms or to upgrade ones they already owned. The state also provided a range of incentives and low-interest loans to help Malays start businesses, and government tendering systematically favoured Malay companies, leading many Chinese-owned businesses to "Malayanise" their management. All this certainly tended to reduce the gap between Chinese and Malay standards of living, although some[which?] argued that this would have happened anyway as Malaysia's trade and general prosperity increased.
Crisis of 1969 and Communist insurgency[edit]
The collaboration of the MCA and the MIC in these policies weakened their hold on the Chinese and Indian electorates. At the same time, the effects of the government's affirmative action policies of the 1950s and 1960s had been to create a discontented class of educated but underemployed Malays. This was a dangerous combination and led to the formation of a new party, the Malaysian People's Movement (Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia) in 1968. Gerakan was a deliberately non-communal party, bringing in Malay trade unionists and intellectuals as well as Chinese and Indian leaders.[citation needed] At the same time, an Islamist party, the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) and a Democratic socialist party, the Democratic Action Party (DAP), gained increasing support, at the expense of UMNO and the MCA respectively.[41]
Following the end of the Malayan Emergency in 1960, the predominantly ethnic Chinese Malayan National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Malayan Communist Party, had retreated to the Malaysian-Thailand border where it had regrouped and retrained for future offensives against the Malaysian government. The insurgency officially began when the MCP ambushed security forces in Kroh–Betong, in the northern part of Peninsular Malaysia, on 17 June 1968. Instead of declaring a "state of emergency" as the British had done previously, the Malaysian government responded to the insurgency by introducing several policy initiatives including the Security and Development Program (KESBAN), Rukun Tetangga (Neighbourhood Watch), and the RELA Corps (People's Volunteer Group).
At the May 1969 federal elections, the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance polled only 48% of the vote, although it retained a majority in the legislature. The MCA lost most of the Chinese-majority seats to Gerakan or DAP candidates. The victorious opposition celebrated by holding a motorcade on the main streets of Kuala Lumpur with supporters holding up brooms as a signal of its intention to make sweeping changes. Fear of what the changes might mean for them (as much of the country's businesses were Chinese-owned), a Malay backlash resulted, leading rapidly to riots and inter-communal violence in which about 6,000 Chinese homes and businesses were burned and at least 184 people were killed, although Western diplomatic sources at the time suggested a toll of close to 600, with most of the victims are Chinese.[203][204] The government declared a state of emergency, and a National Operations Council, headed by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, took power from the government of Tunku Abdul Rahman, who, in September 1970, was forced to retire in favour of Abdul Razak. It consisted of nine members, mostly Malay, and wielded full political and military power.[41]
Using the Emergency-era Internal Security Act (ISA), the new government suspended Parliament and political parties, imposed press censorship and placed severe restrictions on political activity. The ISA gave the government power to intern any person indefinitely without trial. These powers were widely used to silence the government's critics, and have never been repealed. The Constitution was changed to make illegal any criticism, even in Parliament, of the Malaysian monarchy, the special position of Malays in the country, or the status of Malay as the national language.
In 1971, the Parliament reconvened, and a new government coalition, the Barisan Nasional, was formed in 1973 to replace the Alliance party.[41] The coalition consisted of UMNO, the MCA, the MIC, Gerakan, PPP, and regional parties in Sabah and Sarawak. The PAS also joined the Front but was expelled in 1977. The DAP was left outside as the only significant opposition party. Abdul Razak held office until he passed away in 1976. He was succeeded by Datuk Hussein Onn, the son of UMNO's founder Onn Jaafar, and then by Tun Mahathir Mohamad, who had been Education Minister since 1981, and who held power for 22 years.
During these years policies were put in place which led to the rapid transformation of Malaysia's economy and society, such as the controversial New Economic Policy, which was intended to increase proportionally the share of the economic "pie" of the bumiputras as compared to other ethnic groups—was launched by Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak. Malaysia has since maintained a delicate ethno-political balance, with a system of government that has attempted to combine overall economic development with political and economic policies that promote equitable participation of all races.[205]
Modern Malaysia[edit]
In 1970 three-quarters of Malaysians living below the poverty line were Malays, the majority of Malays were still rural workers, and Malays were still largely excluded from the modern economy. The government's response was the New Economic Policy of 1971, which was to be implemented through a series of four five-year plans from 1971 to 1990.[206] The plan had two objectives: the elimination of poverty, particularly rural poverty, and the elimination of the identification between race and prosperity.[41] This latter policy was understood to mean a decisive shift in economic power from the Chinese to the Malays,[citation needed] who until then made up only 5% of the professional class.[41]
To provide jobs for all these new Malay graduates, the government created several agencies for intervention in the economy. The most important of these were PERNAS (National Corporation Ltd.), PETRONAS (National Petroleum Ltd.), and HICOM (Heavy Industry Corporation of Malaysia), which not only directly employed many Malays but also invested in growing areas of the economy to create new technical and administrative jobs which were preferentially allocated to Malays. As a result, the share of Malay equity in the economy rose from 1.5% in 1969 to 20.3% in 1990, and the percentage of businesses of all kinds owned by Malays rose from 39 percent to 68 percent. This latter figure was deceptive because many businesses that appeared to be Malay-owned were still indirectly controlled by Chinese, but there is no doubt that the Malay share of the economy considerably increased. The Chinese remained disproportionately powerful in Malaysian economic life, but by 2000 the distinction between Chinese and Malay business was fading as many new corporations, particularly in growth sectors such as information technology, were owned and managed by people from both ethnic groups.[citation needed]
Mahathir administration[edit]
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Mahathir Mohamad was sworn in as prime minister on 16 July 1981, at the age of 56.[207] One of his first acts was to release 21 detainees held under the Internal Security Act, including journalist Samad Ismail and a former deputy minister in Hussein's government, Abdullah Ahmad, who had been suspected of being an underground communist.[208] He appointed his close ally, Musa Hitam, as deputy prime minister.[209]
The expiry of the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1990 allowed Mahathir to outline his economic vision for Malaysia. In 1991, he announced Vision 2020, under which Malaysia would aim to become a fully developed country within 30 years.[210] The target would require average economic growth of approximately seven per cent of the gross domestic product per annum.[211] One of Vision 2020's features would be to gradually break down ethnic barriers. Vision 2020 was accompanied by the NEP's replacement, the National Development Policy (NDP), under which some government programs designed to benefit the Bumiputera exclusively were opened up to other ethnicities.[212] The NDP achieved success in one of its main aims, poverty reduction. By 1995, less than nine per cent of Malaysians lived in poverty, and income inequality had narrowed.[213] Mahathir's government cut corporate taxes and liberalised financial regulations to attract foreign investment. The economy grew by over nine per cent per annum until 1997, prompting other developing countries to emulate Mahathir's policies.[214] Much of the credit for Malaysia's economic development in the 1990s went to Anwar Ibrahim, appointed by Mahathir as finance minister in 1991.[215] The government rode the economic wave and won the 1995 election with an increased majority.[216]
Mahathir initiated a series of major infrastructure projects in the 1990s. One of the largest was the Multimedia Super Corridor, an area south of Kuala Lumpur, in the mould of Silicon Valley, designed to cater for the information technology industry. However, the project failed to generate the investment anticipated. Other Mahathir's projects included the development of Putrajaya as the home of Malaysia's public service and bringing a Formula One Grand Prix to Sepang. One of the most controversial developments was the Bakun Dam in Sarawak. The ambitious hydroelectric project was intended to carry electricity across the South China Sea to satisfy electricity demand in peninsular Malaysia. Work on the dam was eventually suspended due to the Asian financial crisis.[217]
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In 1997, the Asian financial crisis, which began in Thailand in July 1997, threatened to devastate Malaysia. The value of the ringgit plummeted due to currency speculation, foreign investment fled, and the main stock exchange index fell by over 75 per cent. At the urging of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the government cut government spending. It raised interest rates, which only served to exacerbate the economic situation. In 1998, in a controversial approach, Mahathir reversed this policy course in defiance of the IMF and his own deputy, Anwar. He increased government spending and fixed the ringgit to the US dollar. The result confounded his international critics and the IMF. Malaysia recovered from the crisis faster than its Southeast Asian neighbours.
In the domestic sphere, it was a political triumph. Amidst the economic events of 1998, Mahathir dismissed Anwar as finance minister and deputy prime minister. He could now claim to have rescued the economy despite Anwar's policies.[218] Shortly after Anwar was dismissed by Mahathir, Anwar and his supporters initiated the Reformasi movement. It consisted of several mass demonstrations and rallies against the long-standing Barisan Nasional coalition government.[219] He was jailed in April 1999 after a trial for sodomy that was criticised by human rights groups and several foreign governments.[220]
At UMNO's general assembly in 2002, Mahathir announced that he would resign as prime minister, only for supporters to rush to the stage and convince him tearfully to remain. He subsequently fixed his retirement for October 2003, giving him time to ensure an orderly and uncontroversial transition to his anointed successor, Abdullah Badawi.[221] Having spent over 22 years in office, Mahathir was the world's longest-serving elected leader when he retired.[222]
Abdullah administration[edit]
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi promised to combat corruption when he became the fifth Prime Minister, thus empowering anti-corruption agencies and providing more avenues for the public to expose corrupt practices. He advocated an interpretation of Islam known as Islam Hadhari, which advocates the intercompatibility between Islam and economic and technological development. His administration also placed a strong emphasis on reviving Malaysia's agriculture industry.
At the 2004 general election, the Barisan Nasional led by Abdullah Badawi had a massive victory, virtually wiping out the PAS and KEADILAN, although the DAP recovered the seats it had lost in 1999.[41] This victory was seen as the result mainly of Abdullah's personal popularity and the strong recovery of Malaysia's economy, which has lifted the living standards of many Malaysians, coupled with an ineffective opposition.
Former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, upon his release from prison in September 2004, publicly credited Abdullah Badawi for not interfering with the court's overturning of his sodomy conviction.
In November 2007, Malaysia saw two anti-government rallies. The 2007 Bersih Rally was held in Kuala Lumpur on 10 November 2007, to campaign for electoral reform. It was precipitated by allegations of corruption and discrepancies in the Malaysian election system that heavily favoured the ruling political party, Barisan Nasional, which had been in power since 1973.[223]
Another rally was held in the same month, on 25 November 2007, in Kuala Lumpur led by Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF). HINDRAF had called the protest over alleged discriminatory policies favouring ethnic Malays.[224] In both cases, the government and police tried to prevent the gatherings from taking place. On 15 October 2008, HINDRAF was banned when the government labelled the organisation as a threat to national security.[225]
Abdullah Badawi was re-elected as the prime minister in the 2008 general election, which took place in March 2008, with a reduced majority. In the election, his party, Barisan Nasional won a slim majority of seats but lost its two-thirds majority and five states to Opposition Pact. Although Barisan Nasional, suffered a significant setback, Abdullah Badawi vowed to fulfil the promises in his manifesto amid calls from Mahathir, the opposition and even among UMNO members for him to resign. However, his Deputy Prime Minister, Najib Razak, and others in his party voiced unequivocal support for his leadership.[226] It took some time before there was open dissent at the grassroots level, leading to the creation of petitions and campaigns calling for his resignation.[227]
Abdullah came under growing criticism, primarily because of his failure to combat corruption and his subpar performance in the 2008 Malaysian general election. Hence, in October 2008, he announced his intention to resign the following March. Abdullah was succeeded in office by his deputy, Najib Razak (son of Abdul Razak), in April 2009.[228][229]
Najib administration[edit]
1Malaysia campaign was introduced by Najib Razak in the summer of 2009.[230][231]
On 15 September 2011, Najib announced that the Internal Security Act 1960 will be repealed and replaced by two new laws.[232] The ISA was replaced and repealed by the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 which has been passed by Parliament and given royal assent on 18 June 2012. The Act came into force on 31 July 2012.[233]
In January 2012, the 2008 charges against Anwar Ibrahim, which Anwar had always maintained that they were part of a political smear campaign, were dismissed after a two-year trial,[234][235] but an appeals court subsequently overturned this acquittal in 2014, and he was sentenced to five years in prison.[236] In 2015, he was sent to Sungai Buloh Prison, Selangor, to serve the sentence.[237]
In early February 2013, there was an incursion in Lahad Datu, a military conflict that began when hundreds of militants, some of whom were armed, arrived by boats in Lahad Datu District, Sabah, Malaysia from Simunul Island, Tawi-Tawi, in the southern Philippines. The group was sent by Jamalul Kiram III, one of the claimants to the throne of the Sultanate of Sulu. In response to the incursion, Malaysian security forces launched a major operation to repel the militants, resulting in a decisive Malaysian victory which ended the conflict in late March 2013.[238][239][240] Following the elimination of militants, the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) was established.[241][242]
On March 8, 2014, Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 vanished en route from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing. The 239 passengers and crew on board were presumed dead.[243] Just four months later, 298 people were killed when Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down by a surface-to-air missile while flying over territory controlled by Russian-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine.[244][245]
On 1 April 2015, Najib passed a controversial 6 per cent tax on goods and services.[246] Later that year, his administration was engulfed in scandal when Najib and other officials were implicated in a multibillion-dollar embezzlement and money-laundering scheme involving 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), a state-owned investment fund masterminded by Low Taek Jho, triggering widespread calls and protests from most Malaysians including the opposition parties for Najib's resignation.[247][248][249][250] These protests culminated in the Malaysian Citizens' Declaration by Mahathir Mohamad, Pakatan Harapan and NGOs which sought to oust Najib.[251][252]
The Bersih movement also held four rallies from 2011 to 2016 during the Najib administration intending to reform Malaysia's existing electoral system to achieve free, transparent, and fair elections. The movement expanded its demands to include issues such as clean governance and human rights.[253] Najib had also been criticised for the lavish lifestyle of his wife Rosmah Mansor.[254][255][256]
In response to accusations of corruption, Najib tightened his hold on power by removing Muhyiddin Yassin, the deputy prime minister at the time, suspending two newspapers, and forcing through the parliaments the controversial National Security Council Bill, which gives the prime minister unprecedented powers.[257][258] Living costs have skyrocketed as a result of Najib's numerous subsidy cuts, while the Malaysian ringgit has declined due to fluctuating oil prices and the 1MDB scandal's effects. After Barisan Nasional lost the 2018 general elections, these came to an end.
Relations between Malaysia and North Korea deteriorated in 2017, in the aftermath of the assassination of Kim Jong-nam in Malaysia, which made global headlines and sparked a major diplomatic row between the two countries.[259]
Second Mahathir administration[edit]
Mahathir Mohamad, who left UMNO in 2016 and formed his own political party, the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU), which teamed up with three other political parties to form Pakatan Harapan, was sworn in as the seventh Prime Minister of Malaysia after winning the election on 10 May 2018. He defeated Najib Razak who led Barisan Nasional. A number of issues contributed to Najib's defeat, including the ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal, the 6% Goods and Services Tax, and the rising cost of living.[12] It was also notable that this was for the first time in the country since 1957 that the opposition coalition took over control of the government from the ruling party.
Following his appointment as prime minister, Mahathir promised to "restore the rule of law", and make elaborate and transparent investigations into the 1Malaysia Development Berhad scandal. Mahathir told the press that Najib Razak would face consequences if found guilty of wrongdoing.[260] Mahathir instructed the Department of Immigration to bar Najib and his wife Rosmah Mansor from leaving the country after they attempted to fly to Indonesia.[261]
Anwar Ibrahim was given a full royal pardon and was released from prison on 16 May 2018. He was designated to take over the reins from Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad as planned and agreed by the coalition before GE14.[262][263]
The unpopular tax was reduced to 0% on 1 June 2018. The government of Malaysia under Mahathir tabled the first reading Bill to repeal GST in Parliament on 31 July 2018 (Dewan Rakyat). GST was successfully replaced with Sales Tax and Service Tax starting 1 September 2018.[264][265]
Mahathir's administration promised to review all Belt and Road Initiative projects in Malaysia that were initiated by the previous government. He characterised these as "unequal treaties", and said some were linked to misappropriated funds from the 1MDB scandal. The government suspended work on the East Coast Rail Link[266] and continued it after terms had been renegotiated.[267] Mahathir cancelled approximately $2.8 billion worth of deals with China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau altogether, saying Malaysia would not be able to repay its obligations to China.[268][269]
Mahathir was supportive of the 2018–19 Korean peace process and announced that Malaysia would reopen its embassy in North Korea and resume relations.[270][271][272]
On 28 September 2018, Mahathir addressed the United Nations General Assembly that his government would promise to ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). However, after weeks of receiving racially and religiously charged demonstrations against the convention, particularly from Bumiputras, the Pakatan Harapan government chose not to accede to the ICERD on November 23, 2018.[273]
Mahathir announced the Shared Prosperity Vision 2030 in October 2019, which set out to increase the incomes of all ethnic groups, to increase focus on the technology sector and for Malaysia to become a high-income country by 2030. In the announcement, he vowed to move past what he called the "abuse of power" and "corruption" of the previous administration to achieve this.[274][275]
Malaysia's freedom of the press improved slightly under Mahathir's tenure, and the country's rank rose in the Press Freedom Index.[276]
Political infightings within the Pakatan Harapan coalition, as well as the uncertainty of the date of the transition of power to his designated successor, Anwar Ibrahim, soon culminated in a political crisis known as Sheraton Move in February 2020.[277]
Muhyiddin administration[edit]
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On 1 March 2020, a week after the country was thrown into a political crisis, Muhyiddin Yassin was appointed as the eighth Prime Minister by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, following the abrupt resignation of Mahathir Mohamad six days before which brought down Pakatan Harapan.[13] The fallen government was replaced by the new Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition government, constituting BERSATU, BN, PAS, GPS & GBS, alongside several Pakatan Harapan MPs who defected, led by BERSATU leader Muhyiddin himself. He is the first person appointed to the position of Prime Minister of Malaysia while holding both a parliamentary and state seat at the same time. During his administration, COVID-19, which had originated in Wuhan, China, spread throughout the nation. In response, Muhyiddin implemented the Malaysian movement control order (MCO) on 18 March 2020 to prevent the disease from spreading throughout Malaysia.[278][279]
On 28 July 2020, the High Court convicted former Prime Minister Najib Razak on all seven counts of abuse of power, money laundering and criminal breach of trust, becoming the first Prime Minister of Malaysia to be convicted of corruption,[280][281] and was sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment and fined RM210 million.[282][283]
In mid-January 2021, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong declared a national state of emergency until at least 1 August in response to the COVID-19 crisis and the political infighting within Prime Minister Muhyiddin's Perikatan Nasional government. Under this state of emergency, parliament and elections were suspended while the Malaysian government was empowered to introduce laws without approval.[284][285]
Muhyiddin commenced the country's vaccination programme against COVID-19 in late February 2021, and he became the first individual in Malaysia to receive the approved Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine when it was broadcast live nationwide.[286]
On 19 March 2021, North Korea announced the severance of diplomatic ties with Malaysia, after the Kuala Lumpur High Court rejected North Korean businessman Mun Chol Myong's appeal from extradition to the United States, on money laundering charges, which his lawyers maintained were related mainly to his activities in Singapore.[287][288] Malaysia later expelled the North Korean ambassador, shut down the North Korean embassy in the country and effectively closed its own embassy in Pyongyang. Malaysia has not dispatched any diplomats to the North Korean capital since.[289]
Muhyiddin officially resigned as Prime Minister on August 16, 2021, after losing majority support due to the country's political crisis, as well as calls for his resignation due to economic stagnation and the government's failure to prevent a record rise in COVID-19 infections and deaths in late 2020 and 2021.[290] He was afterwards appointed back as caretaker Prime Minister by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong until a replacement can be selected.[291][292]
Ismail Sabri administration[edit]
Former Deputy Prime Minister to Muhyiddin Yassin, Ismail Sabri Yaakob was sworn in as the ninth Prime Minister on August 21, 2021.[293][294] During his inaugural speech as prime minister on 22 August 2021, Ismail Sabri introduced the Keluarga Malaysia idea.[295][296][297][298] The idea was officially launched on 23 October 2021 in Kuching, Sarawak. During his tenure, he lifted the Movement Control Order (MCO) following the expansion of the vaccination programme and oversaw the Twelfth Malaysia Plan.
In August 2022, former Prime Minister, Najib Razak was sent to Kajang Prison to serve his sentence.[299]
In late 2022, a constitutional amendment was passed, that prohibits members of parliament from switching political parties.[300] Several UMNO lawmakers began calling for a snap election before the end of 2022 to resolve ongoing infighting in the party and obtain a stronger mandate, with the UMNO Supreme Council agreeing to this by the end of September.[301] This led to an earlier general election in November 2022, which resulted in a hung parliament, the first federal election to have such a result in the nation's history.[302][18]
Pakatan Harapan remained the coalition with the most seats in the Dewan Rakyat albeit with a reduced share, with its largest losses in Kedah. Perikatan Nasional swept the northwestern and east coast states of Peninsular Malaysia in a landslide, winning every seat in the states of Perlis, Kelantan and Terengganu, and all but one in Kedah. The historically dominant Barisan Nasional fell to third place, having lost most of its seats to Perikatan Nasional.[303][304]
Anwar administration[edit]
Anwar Ibrahim, the chairman of Pakatan Harapan (PH), was appointed and sworn in as the 10th Prime Minister on 24 November 2022 by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as Anwar has obtained support from PH, BN, GPS, Warisan, MUDA, PBM and independent MPs to lead a grand coalition government.[305][306][307][308]
Anwar Ibrahim launched the Malaysia Madani concept as a national policy on January 19, 2023, in Putrajaya. It acts as the replacement for the Keluarga Malaysia concept from the previous administration of Ismail Sabri Yaakob, the ninth Prime Minister.[309]
See also[edit]
- The formation of Malaysia
- History of Singapore
- History of Brunei
- History of the Philippines
- History of Southeast Asia
- Japanese occupation of Malaya
- Japanese occupation of British Borneo
Notes[edit]
References[edit]
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In case of Santubong, its association with T'ang and Sung porcelain would necessary provide a date of about 8th – 13th century A.D.
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